Feijóo faces a very relevant week. In July, the PP was the first party with 137 seats (47 more than in 2019) and 33% of the votes (12 points more). It is no small thing and that is why he is trying to be invested. But, unless there is a big surprise, it won’t be. The success was insufficient. He fell far short of the absolute majority and did not reach it even with Vox, a bitter surprise because they had sold (and bought) the idea of a total electoral overturn. And there wasn’t. The PSOE stayed close and even rose somewhat compared to 2019, and Sánchez not only was not repealed, but he emerged alive. And with possibilities.
Feijóo’s Tuesday speech could be key. If Sánchez does not then achieve the investiture – something that cannot be ruled out – it must be the basis of a coherent program that achieves greater support in the electoral repetition on January 14. AND If Feijóo does not have this second chance, he would have to set the course for a center-right European party in the next legislature. Which can be short.
In both cases, he must overcome the feeling – evident after the new regional and municipal governments – that in the end he will always be forced to agree with the extreme right. AND be more proactive than rejecting ‘sanchism’ because that did not work in July. Would you do it now because of the possible amnesty law? Be careful, because if there is amnesty, there will be no repeat elections. And Feijóo must consider whether he wants the next legislature to continue being a confrontation between two blocs.
True, Felipe and Guerra’s criticisms do not help Sánchez, but Feijóo needs to further strengthen his image as the leader of a party that knows where it is going. It’s not easy because There are voices – many internal – that say that the PP follows an erratic line. It is difficult to understand the refusal to give Vox a seat at the Congress table and that, as a consequence, Cuca Gamarra was left alone with the votes of the PP in the election for the presidency of Congress, the first litmus test of the legislature. Is inconsistent with the previous formation of many autonomous governments. And, even more so, with the recent pressure on López Miras for the Murcia pact. Lest the same thing happen to Alberto during the investiture as to Cuca.
It is also not coherent positive attempt to explore Junts ahead of the investiture, and reverse course after the fuss from some sectors of the party. And Isabel Díaz Ayuso described the proposal to Sánchez to let him govern for two years as “notorious.” Building bridges with the PSOE is good, but it is hardly compatible with accusing Sánchez every day of all the ills of Spain. It is not understood that the PP bench did not applaud Borja Sémper who said some phrases in Basque, a “kind” gesture that wanted to compensate somewhat for the opposition to the use of the other three languages in Congress. Was it due to lack of coordination, or because there is a swell against Sémper (a moderate Basque supported by Feijóo) in the new PP bench that is no longer Casado’s.
There is a perception that Feijóo is not in charge because it does not control the PP of Madrid or its judicial or media connections. He must clear this possible mortgage, but can he do so without upsetting Isabel Díaz Ayuso, who was the one who opened fire on Casado? Is it squaring the circle?
AND why Feijóo somehow lowers his investiture speech on Tuesday with today’s, in a demonstration or open meeting (it is not clear) against the amnesty? The first speech will tend to kill the second. Have you wanted to frame Aznar following his proposal for a great campaign against the amnesty that the former president equates to those condemning the murders of ETA?
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Is it logical in a compromised situation – an investiture that could be unsuccessful – to want to make two transcendent speeches 48 hours apart? Perhaps a previous success in the street serves to soften a later defeat in Congress. Bad calculation. And even more so when right-wing columnists write that the PP leadership is concerned that Isabel Ayuso receives more affection today than the candidate.
We will have to listen very carefully to Feijóo. Other opposition leaders – Felipe, Aznar and Rajoy – ended up presiding over the Government despite having lost more than one election. Worse than having won them and not having enough majority to govern.