Who are the partisans?
Ukrainian resistance fighters in occupied territory. While the Ukrainian army is fighting at the front, partisans attack the Russian army from behind. Some work alone or in groups of friends, other partisans are part of a larger underground resistance group. They operate in the utmost secrecy and are sometimes controlled by Ukrainian soldiers who are just on the other side of the front. Partisans sometimes camouflage themselves as supporters of the occupiers. Russian military bloggers reported on Tuesday that Ukrainian partisans painted their cars with symbols of the Russian army, such as ‘V’ or ‘Z’, so as not to stand out.
In addition to these civilians, sabotage units of the Ukrainian armed forces are also active in Russian-occupied territory. It is suspected that they were responsible for a number of devastating attacks, such as in August at the military airport Saki in the Crimea. In the process, Russia lost about ten fighter jets.
What are the roots of the partisan struggle?
The Ukrainian partisan struggle has a long tradition. In World War II, the nationalist insurgent army Upa fought against all kinds of armies that it saw as occupiers: Poles, Germans and Soviets. These partisans had a controversial image at that time, because they also fought with the Germans. Russia is using that dubious legacy as evidence that “Nazis” are in power in Kyiv. Some nationalists continued their struggle until several years after Stalin’s death.
How do partisans work in occupied territory?
The Ukrainian government encourages resistance fighters and distributes a digital manual for civilians in occupied territory. In the manual the Ministry of Defense gives examples of resistance activities that civilians can undertake: poisoning food, puncturing army vehicle tires, setting fires at warehouses.
The military also gives tips for less risky actions to disrupt the occupiers: civil servants can intentionally make mistakes in documents, pharmacists can give wrong pills to soldiers and civilians can send soldiers in the wrong direction. “But be careful,” says the National Resistance Center, a website of the Ukrainian Defense Ministry. “Remove this manual immediately after reading it or hide it on your device.”
How successful are the partisans?
Much is unclear about the exact nature of the actions. The most harmless form is the distribution of pamphlets, in which the occupiers are threatened with death. “Russian fascists, wet your chest,” reads a placard in Kherson. “The partisans are hunting you.”
In recent months, there have been dozens of attacks that killed Moscow-appointed administrators. Sometimes that happened with car bombs, sometimes with heavier weapons. Last week, the newly appointed deputy governor of the Kherson region was killed by a rocket. This indicates that local partisans have passed information about his whereabouts to the Ukrainian army.
Partisans are also targeting the Russian supply lines. In May, they detonated a bomb under an armored train belonging to the Russian army near the occupied city of Melitopol. They blew up a railway bridge in the Zaporizhzhya region. Berdyansk’s underground Partisan army has carried out several assassination attempts against Russian soldiers, including a number of senior officers.
The number of Russian soldiers killed is probably relatively small compared to the losses at the front. But the attacks are mainly intended to undermine the already low morale of the Russian troops. Ambush during night patrols, sometimes killing dozens of Russian soldiers, should remind them that there is no safe place in occupied territory.
This also applies to Russian-appointed administrators, who regard the local population as traitors. Residents of Kherson say that drivers often move through the city at high speed for fear of attacks. The wave of attacks is also affecting the occupying authorities’ efforts to recruit officials, for example for the judiciary, education and the police. Russian independent media report that the ambition to start a new career in occupied territory has cooled considerably.
Some will also be deterred by the fate of the Russian teachers who had started working in the occupied towns of Kharkiv province. They were recently captured after Ukrainian troops recaptured those occupied areas.
What risks do the partisans run?
Undoubtedly, the partisans will be able to count on the support of a large part of the backward population. But they must proceed with caution, because other inhabitants collaborate with the occupying forces. In addition, the occupation authorities carry out intensive checks. Citizens are stopped on the street every day and forced to show all kinds of documents. Often they also have to unlock their phone and reveal all their contacts. That is one of the biggest risks for people working with Kyiv. They have to constantly erase data without giving the impression that they have anything to hide.
The checks are generally carried out by members of the Rosgvardia, the Russian security forces who are notorious for their cruelty. Ukrainians who are only suspected of being sympathetic to Kyiv are also regularly tortured or even disappear.
The situation for partisans has become considerably more dangerous since President Putin’s annexation of four occupied territories. Since Putin now counts those areas as Russian territory, Ukrainian partisans will be seen as ‘traitors to the land’. As a result, they have to rely on an even tougher approach.