Suddenly, after the failed discussion of the Omnibus Law in Deputies, The debate with the Government changed chambers in Congress. The Senate is now pushing to do its part and is going against the mega DNU of December Javier Milei.
The gaze falls on the vice president, Victoria Villarruel, who had remained on the sidelines of the battle between the Casa Rosada and Congress. The time has come to enter the mud and she is already involved in a procedural discussion with Kirchnerism, whose block almost has the number, on its own, to stop Milei’s original decree and asked for a special session that she has not yet concede. The vice tries to withstand the onslaught.
Breed.
Unlike his running mate, the Villarruel doctrine in his first months at the head of the Senate was of traditional political construction. Look for alliances, especially with the most dialogue-oriented spaces. But his plans get complicated every time Milei gives his opinion about legislators, something that happens all too often. At this point, the President has already treated them as “coimeros”, “traitors” and not wanting to “lose their money”, among other grievances. Each of his considerations is a blow to the vice’s chin and his attempts to prevent the K block from getting the majority to overthrow the DNU.
The confrontation became evident on February 1, when 31 of the 33 Kirchner senators held a press conference to accuse Villarruel of blocking the special session they had requested: “We demand that the vice president not close the Senate because she has to comply with the Constitution and she has to comply with the internal regulations,” warned José Mayans, the Formosa native who leads the bench.
The response came via Twitter. Villarruel recorded a video in which he explained his position: “Kirchnerism no longer manages the political agenda. “No one violates the Constitution or the regulations of the Senate, we are going to meet with the agreement of all the senators and not just those who violated the institutions,” he said. The vice president refused to hold the session for Thursday the 15th, despite the fact that the pressure from the dialogue sectors, especially those directly linked to governors, was becoming increasingly uncontrollable: they had already warned her that, if the discussion were enabled, they would lower to the venue to accompany the debate. And Kirchnerism, with its 33 votes, is two away from achieving a quorum and four away from the majority to obtain the rejection of the decree.
Too much risk for La Libertad Avanza: “We are going to insist every week, until the vice president gives in and complies with the regulations.”. “You cannot prohibit us from holding meetings,” was the message that came from the Kirchner leadership.
For now, the next special session is scheduled by the ruling party to on February 23, when they will try to sanction the project that modifies the law to combat money laundering from illicit activities. That day they will also hold the preparatory session to ratify the authorities elected last December 13.
The truth is that, according to current law (promoted by Cristina Kirchner when she was a senator), to repeal a decree of necessity and urgency, the rejection of both chambers must be obtained, so the half-sanction that they may obtain in the upper house will not have immediate effect. But there are many senators eager to show their teeth to Milei: they want to make their own splash, after the prominence of the deputies.
Dialogues.
The retaining wall that Villarruel had built with the moderate opposition was broken after the torrent of insults that Milei uttered against the legislators. At the UCR they exploded. Martín Lousteau requested in a statement the formation of the Bicameral of Legislative Procedures: “His persistent delay in forming the Commission can no longer be attributed to inexperience in the position or to bureaucratic times,” he argued. Luis Juez had warned in December: “It is very difficult for the DNU to pass the Senate.”
The thing is that radicalism was disappointed after Milei’s furious attack against its deputies, who had accompanied the general treatment of the Omnibus Law and, as soon as they raised a particular objection, they were identified by name and surname as “traitors” by the President.
To avoid the absolute failure of the reforms proposed by the Executive, an idea arrived at Villarruel’s office that continues to be evaluated: dissect the mega DNU into independent bills that allow acceptance by legislators.
For its part, Justice has been doing its job, stopping chapters of the decree through its decisionssome that have already escalated to the Supreme Court, that still does not seem in a hurry to give its verdict: in the highest court they want Congress to have priority in the debate.
Villarruel suffers every attack from Milei against Congress. And, at least for now, he is not giving in to pressure to hand over the debate for the DNU. He senses that he has everything to lose.
