Below the surface Buenos Aires electoralwhere names are discussed as Manuel Adorni, Silvia Lospennato or Leandro Santoroa much deeper fight is fought: Javier Milei Do not compete with the PRO, competes with Mauricio Macri. What is at stake is not a bank, nor the future Headquarters of Government: to which both Santoro and Larreta aspire, while the doubts of whether adorni will assume the place of legislator.
What is really at stake is the definitive leadership of non -Peronist space In Argentine politics. The libertarian does not seek a strategic alliance or a conjunctural agreement with the former president; He wants, as the consultant warns Facundo Nejamkis“win Macri and withdraw it from the political map”
The key to understanding this dispute is to depersonalize the electoral situation and observe the scenario as a conflict over the ordering of the political system. Milei, like Nestor Kirchner in 2005, understands that to consolidate a new leadership he must run the game to his predecessor. Kirchner did it with Eduardo Duhalde in the province of Buenos Aires; Milei seeks to do it with Macri throughout the country. The method is the same: winning elections, imposing loyalties, conditioning the allies and symbolically submit the displaced leader.
The operation is already underway. “The meaning of the fight, for Milei, is to solve the problem of leadership in the non -Peronist hemisphere”, Define Nejamkis. The libertarian is grateful to Macri, praises him at times, but never accepts a pact in equal foot: There were milanesas in Olivos but the small print of an agreement was never discussedand the former president was first forced to meet with Santiago Caputoand then to settle for a negotiation mediated by Cristian Ritondowhom Sebastián Pareja and Karina Milei They receive more as a possible incorporation into their own lists, than as an ambassador to discuss programmatic agreements and eventual mergers.
As the consultant also explains, “If you go to freedom, advance as an employee, they accept you. But you have to go as an employee, not to fight power“. That is the dilemma that the former face together today for the change approaching the ruling: Welcome submission, rejected parity.
The recent failed attempt to install the clean file law is an example of that dynamic. The initiative was a Pro Flag, driven by Lospennato and Jorge Macri himself. When he fell, Milei took the opportunity to accuse his ex -statement of agreeing with Cristina Kirchner To prevent it. He did not speak to the intern of the PRO, but to the electorate who still keeps Macri respect. He denounced it as part of the system. The president called the leader of the “thief”, “mediocre” and “lacking ideas.” He lowered him from the pedestal. He challenged him to a duel where the only acceptable final is the withdrawal of the adversary.
“Macri has tired of declaring that he likes what Milei does”, Recalls Nejamkis. But that does not mean that Milei returns the gesture. On the contrary: He exhibits it as an obsolete leader who refuses to accept his time. In that context, legislative elections in the city of Buenos Aires acquire a national character. “Politics is very dyed from the national”, Points out the consultant, and that is where it is internal, it finds its depth.
There is no longer a single non -Peronist coalition. “You have four lists of what was together for the change two years ago”, Says Nejamkis. PRO, UCR, La Libertad advances and some liberal detachments compete for the same electorate. But it is not a horizontal competition, but an absorption process: Milei does not want to sit at the table with those sectors, wants to integrate them into their logic or discard them. “What Milei is looking for is to dethrone Macri and join the logic of mileism”, Summarizes Nejamkis. There is no place for shared leaderships.
The city also amplifies that tension for its symbolic density. It is the district where the PRO was born, the bastion that catapulted Macri to the presidency, and the last resistance bastion that could survive him. Therefore, the Porteñas are not read only as an intern between ruling, opposition and “satellite lists”, but as a power laboratory. There it is tested if Milei can compete, divide, absorb and finally discipline the residual macrismo.
The “tsunami milei”, as Nejamkis defines it, altered the rules of the game. “A black swan appeared that put legs up the house”, Graph. In that volatile scenario,“None of the lists appear with a blunt figure to win”, Which opens the path to strategic maneuvers and rearrangements. But beyond the punctual result, Milei already drew his goal: Do not cohabit with Macri, but replace it.
And it achieves it not with a blow of effect, but with systematic wear, building a new order where the right has only one voice. If you do it, like Kirchner with Duhalde, it will remain as the founder of a new hegemony. Macri, meanwhile, faces the crossroads of all former leaders: adapt, resist or disappear. Milei does not want a partner. He wants history.
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