This Wednesday, the national administration announced the departure from the position of Sergio Neiffert of the Secretary of State Intelligence (SIDE). In the message, Javier Milei’s government announced that the management of the now former official allowed “to organize internal processes, audit and make the organizational structure transparent, optimize resources and update operating standards.”
In his replacement, the public accountant Christian Auguadra He was appointed as the new head of the Intelligence portfolio. “His appointment will allow for deepening the technical and operational modernization of the organization, consolidating the control and strategic planning mechanisms, and moving towards an agile, integrated and modern intelligence model,” the statement highlighted.
Although the change was to a certain extent unpredictable, according to some Casa Rosada sources, the maneuver was attributed to the presidential advisor Santiago Caputo. The reports infer that Neiffert had his days numbered from the moment he had an approach with the Karina Milei, when the results of the mid-term legislative elections were announced, which displeased the main consultant of the national government.
Beyond the latest rumors, the management of the former spy chief and his controversies was covered by NEWS in various articles. with the title “Sergio Neiffert: secrets and business of the libertarian spy”journalist Rodis Recalt published a complete report in which he investigates the past of the former “Mr. Cinco”, the curious family businesses, the leaks in the SIDE and the legacy of Stiuso in the organization. Below is the full note:
At some point, all governments run into the same obstacle: SIDE. This state machinery that should prevent conflicts and assist in their resolution becomes a powerhouse of problems. The first sign that something is wrong is information leaks. And in recent weeks, the Intelligence Secretariat did not leak: it was a sieve.
The last straw was an internal report titled “Expected events 09JUL25”, a report that was circulated on official letterhead, without a signature, and with the aesthetics of a police report. The document, as published by Hugo Alconada Mon in the newspaper La Nación, was written by the area led by Alejandro Cecati, a former custodian of Mauricio Macri who today is in charge of the National Security Agency (ASN)one of the four agencies that make up SIDE, 21st century version. Cecati responds to Sergio Neiffert, formal head of the organization, and is seen by his peers as a sponsored person. Antonio “Jaime” Stiusothe ghost that still walks the corridors of national intelligence.
The report had no classified data or shocking revelations. It was, apparently, a collection of public activities planned for July 9: meetings of opposition politicians, union events, social mobilizations, legislative sessions. The usual. The disturbing thing was not the what but the who. A report like this written by the SIDE is immediately linked to illegal intelligence. The retired SIDE agent, Fernando Pocinowho today highlights the information vice from the social network
The report mentioned activities of opposition politicians such as Governor Axel Kicillof; the former Minister of Economy, Sergio Massa; the deputy Maximo Kirchnerthe CGT, the CTA and other unions, including disability groups. There is not a single mention of pro-government figures. No traces of Karina Milei or Sebastián Pareja, that just around those days they were negotiating alliances with the PRO. A questionable point is that the document seemed more like a record of opponents than a monitoring of current events.
The National Intelligence Law is clear: it prohibits the production of information about people due to their militancy, ideology or membership in political or union groups. The report listed electoral strategies, union demands and citizen protests as if they were latent threats, worthy of being mapped by spies.
One of the data that made the most noise was the mention of a private meeting between Facundo Manes and Néstor Grindetti at the home of the first. That information had already been published by Página/12 a few hours before. So what did SIDE do? Espionage or media curation? Manes, when in doubt, reported the situation in the federal courts of Comodoro Py.
At SIDE, informally, they defined it as a “press summary.” Other experts said that, to be an intelligence report, it lacks coding that is used in this type of paper, which is a giant watermark, sometimes red, that gives traceability to the document against possible leaks. Neiffert, the top boss, did not speak. Diego Kravetz, neither did the Undersecretary of Intelligence. much less Santiago Caputowho does not speak. Karina Milei does not get involved in those issues, she is with the campaign. The leak made it clear that state intelligence has cracks that have been appearing for a long time and when that happens it is because there is misgovernment at the top. Sometimes the formal leaderships are the real ones. Is Neiffert the real head of intelligence? Does everyone respond to him?
Business. The first comment regarding Neiffert is that he spends a lot of time taking care of his businesses, which are, to say the least, curious. Not because of the volume – he is not a tycoon – but because of the variety. A map of interests that mixes bricks, cakes, posters, golf, cleaning and even sports representation. In his sworn statement he appears as the owner of a construction company called New Francos SA, a company he shares with his wife, Silvina De Cenzo, a professional pastry chef. De Cenzo is the owner of a candy store with an influencer’s name: Espíritu Dulce, located on Avenida del Libertador, in San Isidro. But his gastronomic career did not remain in the cake display case: today he would be in charge of organizing the food sold in the SIDE buildings and at the National Intelligence School. The future agents who take courses in that Retiro building call her “the chef.”
Neiffert’s corporate history also links him to the former mayor of Malvinas Argentinas, Jesus Cariglino. In 2008 they founded a company together called New Consuld, dedicated to the representation of athletes. The information appears in the Official Gazette, although the venture seems not to have prospered beyond the seal. It is not the only thing: with the INPI, Neiffert also has two of its own brands registered. One is GolfIntercolegial – like that, all together and without respite – and the other Expozonanorte, also with the name of a school fair.
However, if there is a business that particularly interests you, it is street signage. His company is called Carteles Ya, with its own web domain: www.cartelesya.com. The site is registered in his name, and the contact phone number that appears on the page is in the name of his wife. It is one of those companies that operate in the universe of road signs, large format printing and “urban branding”, competing with industry greats such as Enrique “Pepe” Albistur’s Wall Street. Services are offered for companies, governments and individuals. It does not seem incompatible with his current role, although it is not the type of undertaking one expects from an intelligence chief.
Junior. In the category of family businesses, another Neiffert appears: Lautarothe son, who today serves as his father’s private secretary. On February 7, 2024, he founded a firm called Segur & Protección SRL, focused on security and cleanliness. A venture that aimed to enter the juicy market of outsourced contracts, but that never took off. Four months later, Sergio Sr. was summoned to head the SIDE and the plan was frozen. Lautaro, instead of managing alarms and hygiene services, immersed himself fully in the state organizational chart. Today it is his shadow: it accompanies him everywhere, from the Casa Rosada offices to international visits. In May 2024, for example, he traveled with him to CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia, on a tour that had more protocol than content. Santiago Caputo also attended there, as Neiffert’s boss.
State intelligence, which should anticipate conflicts, today seems more focused on mapping opponents than on preventing real risks. The leaked report revealed not only bad practices, but also a leadership more concerned with their parallel businesses than with guarding secrets. Neiffert, with his family SME of posters and cakes, reflects the disorder of a structure that operates without control or clear direction. When SIDE makes water, the problem is not the leak: it is the Government.
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