One of the accusations that the leader of the PP, Alberto Nunez Feijoo pours, day in and day out, against Pedro Sanchez is that the only desire that moves the President of the Government is to win the elections again. As if proclaiming himself the winner in an electoral contest was not the objective of all political leaders and all parties. Your own, without going any further. If not for that, for his intention to reach Moncloa, their fluctuations would not be understood at the time of agreeing with the Executive —or rather of avoiding it— or its determination to disqualify all the measures adopted by the Government, although these have been applied before by European politicians not at all suspicious of leftism, such as Mario Draghi or Boris Johnson in the case of taxes on energy, or are going to be copied by the whole of the European Union, as in the so-called Iberian exception to curb the price of electricity. That Feijóo criticizes these policies in Spain and supports them in Europe is so contradictory that the only logical explanation that can be seen is his intention to wear Sánchez down and, obviously, to win the next election.
If not for pure electoral calculation, Nor would it be understood that he had presented himself as a statesman when he came to the leadership of the PP, showing himself willing to reach agreements with Sánchez and dropping that for his part there would be no problem for, without going any further, renew the General Council of the Judiciary and that these assertions have been radically disproved by the facts. The last one, the rupture, by surprise, precisely of the agreement to appoint the new councilors of the governing body of the judges and the magistrates of the Constitutional Court. The excuse this time has been the intention expressed by Sánchez to reform the crime of sedition. With this new justification, the PP already adds twenty different pretexts to circumvent the constitutional mandate that obliges to restore the legality and legitimacy of a fundamental institution in the legal system.
It is this rectification, when the pact was about to be announced, the most recent and the most serious, but previously the leader of the PP has undone other statements about the coexistence of the languages or about the nationalities, to cite a few, which gave rise to some hope about the way in which Spain seemed to understand. Coming from governing Galicia for 13 years, one of the historical nationalities that also has its own language, it is supposed to be more sensitive to the social, cultural and linguistic diversity of the country, the one that the most centralist right, based particularly in Madrid, refuses to admit.
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And that is where it seems that the main problem of Feijóo’s leadership lies, in that lack of personal and political autonomy against the media, judicial, partisan and who knows if also economic right. When he arrived he was embraced by everyone. Everything was praise for his political maturity, his management capacity and his leadership, and six months later, when the so-called ‘Feijóo effect’ has begun to deflate in the polls, the reeds have become spears, without the leader of the PP having yet found a way to get rid of the conditioning of those who have insisted on marking his pace.
After sweeping the Andalusian elections, it seemed that the PP and its leader had found a more temperate course. With Vox in decline, they were convinced that their strategy would lead them directly to power. Now, however, they are confused again. The polls moderate their expectations while Sánchez’s increase and it seems that Feijóo, pulled by the Madrid leader, Isabel Diaz Ayuso and the right-wing media, which is making a mess of it, doesn’t know very well what to do. Given that the PP leader has joined that campaign that tries to distinguish between sanchismo and a (true) PSOE, that only exists in the heads of those who seek to delegitimize the head of government, perhaps I should learn from that Philip Gonzalez, whothat 40 years ago he won with an absolute majority, that autonomy is inherent to leadership. Or others, like Winston Churchill, that sometimes it is convenient to decide even against the criteria of those around you.