“The Dutch know how to kill you gently.” Like Mark Rutte, Edi Rama (58) is a veteran of European politics – he has been competing at the highest level for almost ten years. He also experienced how NATO crawled through the eye of the needle during President Trump. But that’s where the comparison ends: for seven years, Rama fought for recognition of his country as a candidate for EU membership, and on several occasions he encountered Dutch blockades.
But resentment is the last thing that burdens Rama’s heart, on the contrary: Rutte and Rama have acquired the utmost respect for each other and are going to launch a joint plan in the coming months to promote President Emmanuel Macron’s idea for a ‘political community’ (that unites EU countries). with non-member states).
“Mark suggested it. For the first time, an EU member and a non-EU member will work together for the future of Europe. And it brings two extremes together. We had to go through all the rings of hell to reach the heart of this country and the grace of Mark Rutte’, says Rama during a conversation in Hotel Des Indes. “But now he’s moving on and that’s fantastic. The result of a very tough love†
In 2020, the light finally went green for the accession negotiations that North Macedonia (application: 2004) and Albania (application: 2006) must conduct before they can join the European Union. But for the past two years, the actual start of those negotiations, a process that also takes years, has been blocked by Bulgaria. Now it seems that a breakthrough is finally in sight.
You could write a wonderful novel about the enlargement of the EU…
Samuel Beckett has already done that: Waiting for Godot† The case of North Macedonia and Albania is a case of life imitating art† We are like Vladimir and Estragon, waiting for Godot. At the right moment, Vladimir says to Estragon, “Shall we go?” The answer: “Let’s go.” And then nobody moves. (laughs) That’s the European Union.’
You have had a number of politicians from The Hague who explained to you that your country still had to take a few steps.
“It was a tough road, but that line-up has helped us retaliate by running even faster. Thus we proved that we were much better than they believed. That’s my consolation. But EU politics is increasingly being determined by national egotism. It matters less and less what you do, and more and more how the others feel when they make a decision. And there is always a country that opposes. The Bulgarian opposition to North Macedonia is the most blunt example. The Dutch know how to kill you in a gentle way, but it’s not a gentle death with the Bulgarians.’ (laughs)
How does that ‘soft’ Dutch variant work?
“Then they tell you that you’re not ready yet, because they’re not ready – and that goes on forever. Then you have to be patient and force yourself to a resurrection every time. Certainly when the Commission gave positive advice twice, after which that advice ended up in the meat grinder of national interests in the Council. Very disappointing. Now our relations with the Netherlands are excellent. The respect we get now was unimaginable a few years ago. Then we felt really squeezed and unwanted.’
Could the fear of an EU that is too big also play a role?
‘Secure! If it’s neurotic at 27, how will it work at 33? With six Balkan countries, the craziest in Europe? And all with a veto. I understand that point – and when you see a well-functioning country like the Netherlands, you understand it. What family would work if the grandparents, parents, children and grandchildren at the table all had the same power and the grandchildren a veto? That is impossible.’
You support Macron’s idea of a political community outside the EU.
‘Big supporter. Because although we are not yet an EU member, we are Europeans. They cannot decide on that in Berlin or The Hague. The EU is the only political entity in history with an external border and internal borders. The whole of the Western Balkans lies within those internal borders. Like your stomach can’t communicate with the rest. Each country has to find its own way to the EU, but collectively we need to be more connected.
‘Especially now. The EU has wasted two crises with the refugee crisis and the pandemic without taking a step forward. The war is the third chance to change. Emmanuel’s idea is in the air, it must be brought to Earth. In such a European community we can discuss common problems: security, climate, etc. During the pandemic, Balkan countries had to run to Russia, China and Turkey to get vaccines. The EU was absent, that was not nice.’
What should the EU do with candidate member Serbia, which has just signed an oil contract with Russia?
“Be very careful and don’t ask blindly what Serbia cannot give. Serbia cannot quickly get rid of its dependence on mainly Russian gas, but it voted against Russia’s invasion three times in the United Nations. That is unique and new, nobody expected that. But the Balkans remain a vulnerable chain. The war in Ukraine can easily disrupt stability – and even lead to open conflict.’
Is Russia’s Re-invasion of Ukraine a Turning Point?
The war forces the EU together, but it is also a major stress test. The question is whether the unit will be preserved. Putin uses food shortages as a deadly weapon. He wants to fuel hunger in Africa and send a new stream of refugees towards Europe. I see no hesitation among political leaders, but doubts of public opinion. I am concerned about people in rich countries and their ability to remain involved in this war. Do they keep saying, ‘I don’t care about inflation and expensive petrol, I don’t want Russia to win’? In addition to the military confrontation, Putin is also focusing on differences in resilience. The pain threshold for Russia is much higher – and that’s where the war is decided.’
What is the single most important aspect of your country’s massive transformation?
‘The freedom to choose for yourself. For centuries we lived under roofs that we did not choose ourselves. Imposed by imperial empires, foreign regimes. The first time Albanians could choose for themselves was when they decided to leave communism behind and join Europe. In that sense, Europe is a religion for us – and a source of knowledge about the transition to a democratic state.’
You are an artist, so was your father. He built monuments in the communist era. What monument would you like to leave behind?
‘My father was an official sculptor of the regime. He believed in communism in the beginning, I think. But my luck is that when he started to lose his faith, he left room for me to have my faith. So we ended up under one roof: a quiet communist and a very loud anti-communist; a realistic artist and a very anti-realistic artist. He has left a few monuments for eternity, such as the monument of Albanian independence. I would like to leave what my father said: in the end it is a good memory that counts. When people say: he tried, he did it okay – that’s enough for me.’