The Popular Party already shares the Government of Castilla y León with a vice president and three Vox advisers. For the first time in a democracy, the extreme right has access to government responsibilities thanks to the decision of the popular ones to break their pact with Cs and advance the elections. He aspired to achieve a majority without the need to depend on others, it is true. But at the same time, in his maneuver the possibility of having to govern with those of abascal it necessarily entered into any rational calculation. The situation is not very different from that in which the new leader of the PP finds himself, Alberto Nunez Feijoo. Between the verbalization of the desire for a solitary government and the reality, reflected in surveys such as Gesop’s for EL PERIÓDICO and the rest of the Prensa Ibérica newspapers, that without contemplating the possibility of a pact between the constitutionalist parties, which neither the PSOE is not willing, the only way to get to Moncloa is to take Santiago Abascal there. A consensus, that of the 1978 Constitution, of which the new Vice President of Castilla y León, Juan Garcia-Gallardo stood out during the investiture debate, recalling that Vox’s ultimate goal would be the repeal of Title VIII of the Constitution and therefore the suppression of the State of the autonomies.
Declarations of principles of this type are as inapplicable without violating the planned constitutional reform mechanisms as they are rhetorically compatible with the exercise of government responsibilities in the institutions (just as it has been from them to support any other possibility of reformulating the constitutional framework). . More worrying will be the management by the extreme right of the areas over which it has achieved direct control, with the possibility of effectively executing regressive policiesor the dragging effect that it may exert on the whole of the regional Executive in areas such as the fight against gender violence. Although a daily pulse cannot be ruled out in which the sole objective is to define the differentiated profile of each formation.
But even more serious is the precedent established by the Popular Party and its consequences in upcoming elections. Legitimizing the presence at the head of the institutions of those who threaten democratic coexistence itself is not just a very serious mistake that until now all the conservative parties in Europe have tried to avoid. Making it crystal clear to the conservative electorate most tempted by authoritarian discourse that their potential vote for the extreme right is not a sterile vent but a useful vote to bring the Government to a sum of forces similar to the one that will now govern Castilla y León can end up being a miscalculation as irresponsible as dangerous.