It was easy to imagine and so it happened. The mountains of garbage that had accumulated in the streets of Parisdue to an unlimited strike of the garbage collectors, they ended up as burning barricades. The impromptu protests on Thursday, after the approval of the pension reform through a very unpopular government decree, led to multiple urban riot in the capital, as well as in other French towns, such as Nantes or Rennes (west). The police reported 258 detainees in Paris (more than 300 throughout the country), a figure 10 times the usual number of interpellations in each of the eight days of large mobilizations, which until now had stood out for their festive and peaceful nature. .
“When 49.3 makes the law, democracy does not work”, “You impose a 49.3 on us, we will make a May of 68“, “Power is in the street”, “Robespierre, come back”… These were some of the messages that could be read on Thursday on the homemade banners of the thousands of protesters who filled the Place de la Concorde, in front of the National Assembly Impromptu and less numerous, in these protests there was an atmosphere with shades insurrectionalwith reminiscences of what was experienced with the heterogeneous revolt of the yellow vests.
After two months of strikes and massive demonstrations —the most massive in this 21st century in the bustling neighboring country—, the president’s decision Emmanuel Macron of not listening to the unions —not even accepting a meeting with them to try to calm the situation— and imposing through a decree the increase in the minimum retirement age from 62 to 64 years (with 42 or 43 years to receive a full pension) encouraged the indignation to go up several steps. From the strong social response, there has been a political crisisfueled by the feeling of lack of democracy. A panorama in which symptoms of a crisis of the presidential model of the Fifth Republic can be glimpsed.
“A Total Disregard”
“We are faced with a total contempt on the part of our president, it had not been like that even in the days of Nicolas Sarkozy (conservative),” criticized William S., 48, a CGT militant and train driver on strike from the outskirts of the National Assembly. more than a week ago, in statements to EL PERIÓDICO. From the unions, the recourse to 49.3 has been perceived as a victory. It is in the battle of opinion (in which the workers’ organizations are winning by a landslide), but not politically, since the reform has been approved.
Union leaders announced a new general strike for March 23. This Friday the actions have multiplied, such as the traffic cuts on the Peripheral in Paris or the railway traffic in Toulon (southeast) with an occupation of tracks. The unlimited strikes they have seen a rebound, for example, with new fuel refineries completely shut down. Despite the fact that the prefecture (equivalent of the Government Delegation) forced some strikers from the garbage collection to work, more than 10,000 tons of waste accumulate in the capital. For this Friday afternoon, they have called numerous protests throughout the country. In Paris, another rally is taking place in the central Place de la Concorde, which could degenerate into another night of riots.
“Getting out of this crisis”
“No, we are not in a political crisis,” the president of Parliament, Yaël Braun-Pivet, of the presidential party, defended this Friday morning. “The vote on this motion of no confidence will allow us to come out on top of this deep political crisis“, replied the deputy Bertrand Pancher, who is part of a small group of centrist representatives (many of them ex-macronistas) and Corsican and Breton autonomists on whom attention is now focused. Unlike what happens with decree laws in Spain , 49.3 does not require a parliamentary vote a posteriori to validate it. But it does open the door to the presentation of motions of censure.
The extreme right of Marine LePen -third force in the Assembly, with 88 seats- presented a motion this Friday afternoon, although it has no chance of prospering. The same thing did a few hours before the group LIOTwith the backing of the left-wing parties of the coalition NUPES (second force, with 149 seats). Having been led by a centrist group —with a parliamentary role equivalent to that of the PNV—, this second censorship text could get ahead, although the options for it are few. If it came to fruition, it would bring down the pension reform and the current government of Élisabeth Borne, but it would not mean the investiture of an opposition Executive.
The outcome of this motion, probably debated on Monday, will depend on The Republicans (LR, related to the PP). This historic conservative formation has emerged very divided from the current pulse for pensions. If some 30 deputies from the Republican right (out of a total of 62) support the motion, it will probably be approved. Borne’s future is in the hands of Chirac and Sarkozy’s decadent party and the divergent wills and strategies of their representatives. “After having weakened Macron and Borne”, opposing a vote on the pension reform, “the logical thing would be for LR to put an end to this government with the tool of the motion of no confidence”, the deputy from France Insoumisa explained to this newspaper ( related to Podemos) Raquel Garrido
Le Pen, the big winner?
According to this Franco-Chilean representative, in favor of proclaiming a Sixth Republic, more parliamentary and with greater democratic participation, the democratic discontent over the management of this pension reform reflects the excesses of the French presidential model: “It is not tolerable that a single man has such disciplinary power over institutions, such as Parliament or the unions. That cannot continue like this, because it generates chaos and a civic frustration. Nothing positive may come of all this.”
Related news
Will Le Pen emerge stronger from this crisis? Will she be the great winner of the struggle between Macron and the unions, pushed by a popular tide in which the left-wing people are overrepresented? In France, many fear it like this. However, polls show a more complex reality before a hypothetical dissolution of the Assembly and call for early legislative elections. According to a recent study by the Harris Institute, the ultra-right would increase its intention to vote and would win about 10 seats, but the left-wing NUPES coalition would also would experience a similar rise and would consolidate itself as the main opposition force. Macron’s party would continue as the first space in number of representatives, but even further from an absolute majority.
The fight for pensions has not only left Macron on the ropes – and undermined legitimacy of those reforms that entail cuts to the welfare state—, but it has also hindered their ability to carry out their project. He pushes France towards a governance crisis.