It does not seem like a coincidence that it was precisely the possibility of lowering the sedition crime what ran aground, at the last moment, the pact between the PSOE and the PP on the Council of the Judiciary. As it does not seem to be the result of chance that this sedition be precisely the umbilical cord that joins this rupture with the catalan conflict, the exact point at which all the crises in Spanish politics of the last decade are born and explode. That Feijóo brought out the sedition in stoppage time to break up with Sánchez could be a blackmail, or an alibi, or a staging, or perhaps all a bit at the same time, but in any case it is the sign that the right that pressures Feijóo and the extreme right that conditions her continue to be the true junkies of the ‘procés’, that it has not only been a ‘modus vivendi’ in Catalonia: it has also been and, above all, in the most radical right-wing Madrid, which has seen its electoral expectations skyrocket with the “A por los” first, then with the 155 and later accusing Sánchez of “giving in to the blackmail of the coup plotters”, the most repeated slogan in the ultra media and gatherings in recent years. In fact, Feijóo has behaved in the matter of the CGPJ as a puppet more than a media and judicial steamroller ready to take down anyone who tries to moderate, as you know very well the missing Married.
In the last conversation between Sánchez and Feijóo, it is striking that the president did not give an inch and did not consider withdrawing the reform of the crime of sedition at any time. “It is a commitment that I have made,” Sánchez has been known to say. That is, they were the negotiations of the PSOE with ERC which acted as a definitive trigger of the pact that, this time, seemed imminent. And as usual when grays are introduced in a conflict of whites and blacks, the extreme independence movement has reacted with an overacted virulence to the possibility of lowering sedition because the only acceptable thing, they say, is its abolition, an argument that, predictably, Puigdemont has also defended. The same thing already happened with pardons: unacceptable, they said, because only amnesty was possible. That is to say, the same sterile and comfortable all or nothing in which some have lived for years. That is what, in fact, the last break between Sánchez and Feijoo about the CGPJ is about, and the angry reaction of the extremes: what underlies their final conversation is that Sánchez prioritizes his relationship with ERC, and that he has done so conditioned by the much-maligned dialogue table. A table in which an amnesty was not achieved but a meritorious pardon was achieved that put an end to a ferocious and unjust prison, a table that has served to officially recognize the Catalan conflict and that the two parties sat down in strict bilaterality, and a table that now influences the President of the Government to choose continue negotiating reduce the crime of sedition rather than give in to Feijoo and company. Of course it is not the only factor and none of this would be possible without the current parliamentary arithmetic, which gives the ERC undoubted power to approve accounts and provide stability. But while some say that it is useless and others that it humiliates the State, the truth is that the table, although very slow, heavy and bumpy, belies its detractors. The independence movement that only claims sterile highs (so that it runs aground) is unable to understand that the ‘Deep Madrid’ the advances that they qualify as ridiculous are actually blows to the stomach of the extreme right. Before the pardons and now the sedition show that perhaps it is more useful than its apocalyptic and very angry detractors preach.