After the parenthesis of the freezing of relations by the ‘Catalangate’, Pere Aragones prevailed, at the dialogue and negotiation table with the State in July, the ‘anti-repressive’ leg to the detriment of the other, that of the self determination. Aware, at least due to the volume of criticism received from the most hyperventilated independence movement, that the table was limping, on August 22, a week before the Junts ultimatum, the ‘president’ announced that in the general policy debate he would make a proposal “broad and inclusive” for a new referendum.
The day has arrived. And this Tuesday, Aragonès, in his long speech in the Chamber of Parliament, almost 100 minutes, in which he presented his shock plan to combat the effects of inflation, has proposed drawing up from Catalonia a proposal for a “democratic clarity agreement” for a self-determination referendum with which to stand in Madrid and force the holding of a binding and agreed consultation. A proposal to overcome “the current blockade”, said the ‘president’, establishing “when and how” Catalonia “can exercise its right to self-determination”
Jordi Pujol and Quebec
The term “democratic clarity” neither is it casual, nor is it neutral. He refers, evidently, to the sovereignist process of Quebec, curiously, one of the first references in which the autonomous Catalanism of the 1980s, then led by Jordi Pujol, hugged. It also transports what she defended Xavier Domenech when he served as leader of the ‘comuns’, in that fall of 2017 that is still dragging on. And to whom few in the independence movement paid attention. Yes, today’s ‘conseller’ of Business, Roger Torrent.
The Democratic Clarity Act was approved by the Canadian federal Parliament and establishes under what conditions the Canadian Executive could, or rather should, open negotiations with a region (province) that wanted to become independent. It alludes to all of them, but it was born after the second Quebec referendum, in 1995. And it starts from a precept exposed by the Supreme Court of Canada: the Quebec does not have the right to unilateral secession. under Canadian domestic and international law. But it goes without saying that if there is a democratic majority that demands the holding of a referendum, the obligation of the federal government is to attend to it.
The plan of the ‘president’ does not go through taking advantage of the literal, that is, he does not intend to make a law of this type, but rather his spirit of setting the rules of the game in the form of an agreement. mark a threshold that it becomes an objective and thus put an end to the feeling of a dead end that leads part of the independence movement to frustration and one-sided way.
the fastest way
The democratic clarity agreement is defined by the head of the Executiu, likewise, as the “way faster to vote again” and so that what is voted on “is recognized by all parties and so that they can count on the accompaniment and recognition of the international community”.
The ‘president’ uses as leverage the “reiterated will” of a part of Catalan society, “expressed in the popular consultations of 2014, 9-N and, above all, 1-O”. The elaboration of the pact goes through a first phase of collection of support in Catalonia and in the international community. And there, in the foreign arena, in the ability to convince of the benefits of taking the new confrontation with the State to the “scrupulously democratic” field, it is already clear that the success or failure of the mission will lie.
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And not only that, according to the ‘president’, anchoring himself in the last barometer of the CEO, the resolution of the political conflict at the polls is preferred by 100% of the voters of the independence parties, but also “that of the 73% of PSC voters and the 50% of Citizens“. Among those who chose the ‘comuns’ ballot, the force with which Aragonès wants to agree on the 2023 budgets (essential to bring the announced anti-crisis shock plan to fruition), it is 90%.
In the absence of further details, the main difference with other initiatives is that the preparation of this White book that must define, for example, who votes, what percentage would be needed to achieve secession and how the question should be, for example, it will be led by the Government itself. There is even thought of appointing a kind of ‘ambassador’ who will carry out the task of gathering support beyond the borders.