He says feijoo, the new leader of the Popular Party, that the audios and information that are being published these days and that reveal illicit behavior by some members of his party “are already a decade old & rdquor ;, that is, old news. In this, Feijóo is no different from his predecessor in office, the self-deposed Pablo Casadothat every time they asked him about the corruption in his party, he kept silent because he considered, and he declared it more than once, that it was something “of the past.”
The news that ‘El Periódico de España’ and Prensa Ibérica are publishing these days, as well as the audios of ‘El País’ that were seized from the famous commissioner Villarejo by his police colleagues in the search of his home, which show is that the suspicions we all had, including the judges that they had to file several investigative procedures open to former leaders of the Popular Party due to lack of evidence, were well founded, since it is these with their voice who recount their activities. Why these recordings are being published now and whether the investigating judges had access to them or not is something that will have to be explained, but what is beyond any doubt is that during the years of the Rajoy government, corruption was not something exceptional in his party but the habitual practice on the part of several of its leaders.
The argument that corruption belongs to the past (“a decade already” in the words of Feijóo) not politically supportedsince if, when it is known, the presumption of innocence of those involved is appealed to and it is demanded to wait for a judge’s sentence to intervene and, when this finally occurs (or incontestable evidence appears as has happened now), it is considered that it is no longer the time for it because time has passed, when are people going to be politically reprimanded who their own voices identify and expose?
Another argument used to counteract the evidence (Villarejo’s audios or the content of his agendas, in this case) is that are advertised at the start of an election campaign, specifically Andalusia. The argument is recurrent and cancels itself, since in Spain every now and then there is an election going on, so it would be difficult for them to ever be published.
For the Popular Party, in any case, it seems evident, judging by its attitude, that It is never a good time to clarify your corruption casesnor is it to solve other problems in the country, such as the renewal of the supreme body of judges (those who have to judge them), or our pending accounts with history, as we saw with the exhumation of the mass graves of the war or that of Franco himself from the Valley of the Fallen. It was never the time to address them. Or because there were more important things to do or because we had to look to the future.
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Years go by, leaders succeed one another at the head of the Popular Party, some better and others worse, but they all have something in common: that when it comes to explaining their behavior as a party or the individual behavior of some of its leaders, always have an excuse ready like those bad payers who, every time a debt is claimed, find a reason not to pay it.
The Popular Party’s debt to Spanish society is already so great, however, that it exceeds its ability to endure and they will only be able to get rid of it by recognizing that for years their behavior has not been exemplary and that of many of their leaders even less so. It doesn’t matter how much time has passed.