Police sewers they covered up the evidence in 2012 revealed by financier Javier de la Rosa about the opaque fortune of the king Juan Carlos I, according to the annotations of Commissioner José Manuel Villarejo, whose agendas are a guide to the content of the recordings of the former police commander, as confirmed by this medium.
The aforementioned handwritten notes, the audios of the commissioner and a police report included in the case of Francisco Nicolás Gómez Iglesias, known as Little Nicolás, show how De la Rosa accused the then Chief of Police on at least two occasions, in 2012 and 2014. State having received shares of Abengoa, Telefónica and Ence. These last two companies had been privatized shortly before by the Government of José María Aznar.
On November 10, 2012, De la Rosa maintained two meetings with Villarejo. One in the morning in the businessman’s office and the second in the afternoon in his own home in Barcelona. The commissioner did initiate what he baptized the Barna Project, a vigilante plan known as Operation Catalonia promoted by the Ministry of the Interior of the Government of Mariano Rajoy to look for dirty laundry from the Catalan independence leaders. The former police commander described the alleged gossip of former Catalan president Jordi Pujol, and those of his sons, Oriol, Josep, Oleguer and Jordi.
judicial investigations
The Catalan financier denounced the hidden assets of Jordi and Josep Pujol Ferrusolabut also the alleged irregularities committed by Oriol Pujol with the ITVand a suspicious financial transaction of Oleguer Pujol, the youngest of the clan, whom he linked to the sale of Banco Santander offices. The cases of corruption denounced by De la Rosa ended up in court and one of them, that of the ITV, was settled with a firm sentence for Oriol Pujol of two and a half years in prison.
Explaining the origin of Jordi Pujol Ferrusola’s fortune, De la Rosa revealed to the commissioner that Dante Canonica and Arturo Fasana, whose names had already appeared in the Gürtel case for hiding the money from the ringleader of the plot, Francisco Correa, were the managers of the money that the Pujols supposedly kept in Switzerland. This Catalan financier provided relevant data, which years later would end up being confirmed: Canonica and Fasana also kept the opaque money of the then head of state, Juan Carlos I of Bourbon.
Specifically, as the Swiss Public Prosecutor found out, they were the ones who created the Zagatka (Luxembourg) and Lucum (Panama) foundations. On the contrary, the investigation carried out in the Pujol case has failed to find any indication of the link between these Swiss managers and the family of the former Catalan president.
De la Rosa provided in the meetings he held with the commissioner clues about the supposed income of the king emeritus John Charles I with shares of the companies Ence, Abengoa and Telefónicaas can be read in the agendas and has been confirmed by this newspaper.
“ENCE, Telefonica and Abengoa”
It was not the first time that De la Rosa told someone about the emeritus’s relationship with these three companies, as stated in a report on the case of Little Nicolás that transcribes another conversation that was also recorded. In this audio, the Catalan businessman, who thought he was talking to an emissary from the CNI, assured the young Francisco Nicolás Gómez Iglesias that the monarch had received shares of these firms, with the knowledge of the then Prime Minister, José María Aznar, who had privatized Ence and Telefónica.
“Fasana has 300 million from the king in his account […]. The Albertos are with the king with 300 million. Rajoy knows that, by privatizing the accounts, and being involved in the mess of the 100 million KIO, they said, it must be covered, and Aznar reluctantly agreed that a few packages of Ence, Telefónica and Abengoa shares be given to the king. And in those packages, in Ence, the Albertos are representing him, and in Telefonica now there is Almansa, but they are all of them, and in Abengoa there is Aza, his son and the Benjumea. And those packages are the ones that he has sold later and has made liquid, and that was what he went to defend in ‘The New York Times’ saying that it was not true, but the ‘New York Times’ had all the papers, “he said. De la Rosa, according to the summary of the case of Little Nicolás.
According to information published by El Confidencial, the Zagatka Foundation, with which the distant cousin of the monarch Álvaro de Orleans paid for Juan Carlos I’s trips for a value of eight million eurosobtained significant capital gains from the sale of Ence shares, as it acquired 85,000 shares for 223,000 euros in December 2008, and nine months later sold them for 254,938 euros, which meant a return of 14%.
In 2011 Zagatka sold more than 200,000 shares of the paper company, a company in which the Albertos [Alberto Alcocer y Alberto Cortina], friends of the king, had a position of reference. After being the subject of an investigation by the Supreme Prosecutor’s Office, the emeritus paid 4,395,901 euros to regularize his situation with the Treasury for gifts from the Zagatka Foundation, which according to Álvaro de Orleans is not linked to Juan Carlos I.
Connection with Abengoa
Other publications allude to the “direct” connection that Juan Carlos had with Abengoa through his cousin Carlos de Borbón and his close relationship with the Benjumea family, to whom he opened all doors in the US. According to Vozpopuli, Juan Carlos I placed his former boss in the Casa del Rey, Alberto Aza Arias, in the Andalusian company in 2011as a member of the international advisory board.
In the recordings, De la Rosa also assures that The Albertos were actually the money managers of Juan Carlos I. And that they had obtained that responsibility after the indictment of the diplomat who died in 2009 Manuel Prado and Colón de Carvajal, a person of the highest confidence of the Head of State and in charge of managing the monarch’s accounts. In the Urbanor case and other related cases, such as the KIO case, the possibility was even considered that the money De la Rosa was actually keeping was Juan Carlos I. However, justice never came to point out the monarch.
Precisely, Villarejo writes in his diary that De la Rosa told him that the relationship of the Swiss managers Canonica and Fasana with the king stemmed from the Urbanor case, which had exposed Prado and Colón de Carvajal. This diplomat and De la Rosa were sentenced in 2006 to one and five years in prison, respectively, for the hole of 375 million caused to the company Kuwait Investment Office (KIO). Some of the money could not be recovered.
Unbind the King
Far from investigating these events, the police sewer devised a plan to try to disassociate the king emeritus from money missing of KIO case, as reported by El Periódico de España. On his agenda, Villarejo He wrote his intention that De la Rosa distance Juan Carlos I from this corruption case. As a task, the commissioner noted in his diary: “To quote that everything related to Manuel Prado, members of the Cesid -predecessor of the CNI- advised him to also include SM -his majesty- to exert more pressure, although time made it clear that It was a trap to shield himself from the money he was stripped of and still claims & rdquor ;. In this way, the former police command wanted De la Rosa to blame the CNI for the news that appeared in the press linking the emeritus with the KIO case.
Related news
Juan Carlos I, who abdicated in 2014, was not the subject of any investigation until the Supreme Court Prosecutor’s Office opened a case against him in June 2020 after the Villarejo audios were broadcast in which corinna larsen alluded to the alleged bites that her ex-lover would have received. The investigations ended up shelved due to the inviolability of the monarch and the prescription of crimes.
On the contrary, all the members of the Pujol family have ended up prosecuted in several cases of corruption, and even, in one of them, that of the ITVwith a sentence of two and a half years in prison for Oriol Pujol