On the one hand, if they are analyzed in terms of the logic of the left-right blocs, it must be concluded that the left has indisputably prevailed, as it has been the case since the transition to democracy with few exceptions. The sum of PSC, which with 19 seats has been imposed with full authority, with ERC and with Podemos, since where to place Junts in this axis of competition is still unknown, rises to 33 seats, while the right only adds eight seats.
Catalonia is predominantly left-wing and their support for the investiture block is very majority. So much so that the capacity for resistance that, against the odds, the PSOE has shown in the whole of Spain, owes a lot to the good results that the PSC has obtained. The Catalan socialists, with 19 seats, have almost tripled the results obtained by the second forces, a triple tie at seven in terms of representatives, not votes, between Sumar, Junts per Catalunya and ERC.
On the other hand, if the results are observed from the perspective of the national fracture, it is concluded that constitutionalism, as a whole, has obtained one of its best results in recent years, since the sum of Socialists, PP and Vox amounts to 27 seats, and if Sumar is added, with all possible precautions, the figure rises to 34 seats. The other side of the coin is the independence movement, which has experienced a sharp setback, to the point that ERC, which came in first position in 2019, has lost five seats, Junts per Catalunya has fallen by one and the CUP has been left without representation. And that the battle in that space has been very even and ERC has prevailed by the minimum.
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However, there is a paradox that despite the fact that the left and constitutionalism have prevailed in Catalonia, governability in Spain and a new one, the investiture of Pedro Sánchez will depend on Junts per Catalunya, a minority party that is not part of any of those majorities. Strictly speaking, Junts cannot be placed on the left, it is partly the heir to the conservative Convergència i Unió, and it is a pro-independence party that is committed to confronting the State and is not willing to facilitate the Government in Spain, because as it has been recalled, it is not its priority, and at least not with conditions that may be acceptable to the PSOE.
The electoral results of 23J show a new recomposition of the volatile party system existing in Spain since 2015. However, and despite the changes, the same constant has been maintained since 1979: when there is no absolute majority and given that the two main parties are unable to agree, the majority always depends on Catalonia. In the case, more specifically, of Carlos Puigdemont.