The ambitious project of Federico Sturzenegger was a lifesaver for Milei. Until the night of PASO, no one in La Libertad Avanza – except for the one who believes he was chosen by God and his sister Karina – thought they had any chance of governing the country in just four months. Sturzenegger’s work was a balm in the face of this distressing reality: before Milei gave the speech in which he announced the DNU, there was no government plan or an economic one, beyond the announcement of Luis Caputo to raise the official dollar to $800. How would the first month of the Government be going without the assistance – bad or good – of Sturzenegger’s work? What would they have to show?
The project, then, gave the President the platform from which to translate into reality his much-mentioned thesis that he came to transform Argentina. It is not only an economic, legislative or judicial fact, but above all a political fact. And this is where the unknowns open up.
The first comes from the past. Sturzenegger – economic policy secretary of De la Rúa, president of Banco Ciudad during Macri’s administration, national deputy and then head of the BCRA – maintained consistency in his long political career: constant fights with his peers, in tune with the chicanes with which He usually disqualifies those who criticize himas he did in the newspaper Perfil when he talked about the CGT and related it to the last dictatorship.
His clashes during the Macri administration, especially with Caputo – of whom he has the worst opinion – could make for a book in itself. How is he going to live now with people whom he, for the most part, has just met? There is another question: the project is involved in the most diverse areas and, despite the fact that the man – at the presidential request – went to defend it in the media, he is not the one who signed it nor would he be responsible for any possible problems in the Justice. Several officials sweat when they see Sturzenegger in interviews, in which he sometimes even rehearses new proposals on air. Who is going to go to Congress to appear before opposition deputies and senators? Do you have the numbers to approve it?
This lack of political tact motivated the judicial reaction, which already gave approval to the CGT in its protection in labor jurisdiction. Those who know the judicial cloth say that only someone who analyzes reality through a text could have sought help to carry out the project with the Marval, O’Farrell & Mairal studio. They maintain a historical dispute with the federal chambermaid Carlos Grecco, one of the heads of the contentious administrative jurisdiction, where a good part of the precautionary measures that are presented against the DNU will be processed.
A doubt that adds to this. Who were the hundred people that Sturzenegger says collaborated on the project? One is Jorge Muratorio, from the study just mentioned. Another is Eduardo Rodríguez Chirillo, now Secretary of Energy. With Rodolfo Barra, Treasury Attorney, who must represent the State in the eventual trials, it is not so clear: the Government assured that he had participated, but in the interviews he has been giving he does not seem to know the content in depth. There is also another line of controversy, which, among others, was supported by leaders such as Juan Grabois.
It is the alleged presence of lawyers representing large corporations, among which the study of Funes de Rioja. “It intends to disqualify a work because of its authors and not because of its content, which demonstrates a great poverty of arguments. I am a lawyer for large companies. Does that disqualify me? “, maintains Ricardo Ramírez Calvo, who was one of those responsible for the work, and who showed his differences with Sturzenegger by removing him through DNU. Either way, it’s a story that has just begun. And Sturzenegger, it is clear, wants to fulfill his dream.
