Hoekstra in the waiting room after a hearing in the European Parliament

With a shiny green polished profile, well-rehearsed compliments and strategically placed smiles, Wopke Hoekstra tried to win over the European Parliament on Monday evening.

But he did not immediately obtain the necessary majority in the parliamentary committee that initially deals with his appointment as European Commissioner. On Tuesday, at two o’clock, parliamentarians will meet again. That is after the hearing of Commissioner and Commission Vice-President Maros Sefcovic. He took over responsibility for the Green Deal on an interim basis from Frans Timmermans when he returned to Dutch politics last summer. In order for the portfolio to be finalized, Sefcovic must also be heard.

Hoekstra should become responsible for the climate, part of the larger Green Deal portfolio. Last night it became clear in the corridors that both candidates could receive approval, in a kind of political deal between left and right in parliament. It is also conceivable that the candidates will still have to answer written questions.

As European Commissioner for Climate, Hoekstra wants to set strict interim targets, tackle aviation and abolish fossil subsidies – at least in the European budget. “I don’t want to just look after the shop, that is not enough and that is not my character,” he said during the hearing.

Hoekstra also wants to reduce current EU emissions by 90 percent by 2040. “I think we should go for 90 percent,” said Hoekstra. He did make the reservation that he can only make a proposal and cannot immediately decide on it alone. The European Union wants to be climate neutral by 2050. But emissions reductions, the Commission’s experts say, are not happening fast enough. That is why they want a new ambitious target of 90 percent for 2040.

Answers ‘vague and well-behaved’

Hoekstra’s fiercest critics, often Dutch parliamentarians, found his answers well-behaved, as became apparent during an unforeseen suspension. How strong was that 90 percent commitment? Setting the interim climate target is one of the most important tasks of the new commissioner. He must also represent the EU at the crucial climate summit that will take place in Dubai at the end of November. Preparations for that summit should be taking place now. Around midnight Bas Eickhout (GroenLinks) said that he had heard a lot of what he wanted to hear, but that many answers were still too vague.

Also read: Wopke Hoekstra must ‘do his best’ in Strasbourg

At 6.28 pm Hoekstra entered the Weiss S 1.4 meeting room in the European Parliament in Strasbourg. A bit pale in a dark suit and without a beard. The smell of political sensation was in the air. Parliamentarians had increased the tension considerably in advance. They had doubts, they said, about his climate knowledge, his CV, his heart for Europe and his climate ambitions. The news site Politico, which is widely read in Brussels, opened a live blog. The press gallery was full of Dutch journalists.

For some CDA members, Hoekstra is a former party leader who saw his party shrink and was subsequently allowed to move up. For left-wing politicians, he was the man from Shell and consultancy firm McKinsey, who were not at the forefront of the nitrogen approach. Southern Europeans remember his stingy attitude as Finance Minister when the coronavirus disrupted entire regions. For Greens, he is a politician without a distinctly green profile. Is he the right man to tackle the biggest challenge we face, an Italian lawmaker asked?

Hoekstra opened in French, then spoke English, German, Dutch and Italian. That went well. This quickly earned him the nickname ‘mini-Timmermans’. Former commissioner Frans Timmermans is known for his talent for languages.

Hoekstra had not only studied climate files and political relations, but also the parliamentarians. For example, one of his loudest critics, Mohammed Chahim (PvdA), received a compliment right from the start. In response to a question from Czech parliamentarian Alexandr Vondra, a leading dissident in the 1980s, Hoekstra quickly stated that he was still watching TV at the time. An Italian got a smile. A Danish person accidentally received an answer in German, for which Hoekstra quickly apologized.

Hoekstra’s past

Many questions went back to his past. Was the new, green Hoekstra reliable?

Hoekstra said that he could easily have served his term as outgoing minister, but that he found this task too important. About his work for Shell, he said that he would speak very clearly with energy companies, just as he had done with banks as Minister of Finance. Moreover, he had only worked for Shell for two years, right after his studies, twenty years ago. He felt that this did not have to stand in the way of critical dealings with oil companies.

He quickly expressed regret for his insensitive actions against southern member states in the pandemic. Apologies for previous mistakes also worked well. But for a number of parliamentarians that was not enough.

The role of Dutch parliamentarians was striking, a number of whom hold important positions in the climate discussions in parliament. Chahim was outspokenly critical. He criticized Hoekstra’s position in the nitrogen dossier in the Netherlands and wondered whether Hoekstra was returning to his role as consultant by telling the audience exactly what it wanted to hear.

The tension was broken by repeated malfunctions in the sound system. That gave Hoekstra the opportunity to catch his breath and think about the questions asked. After four disruptions, the hearing even had to be moved to another room. Hoekstra ate a Sultana.

In his closing words, Hoekstra reiterates his ambition. The world faces three immense challenges in the next twenty to thirty years. Climate change, ensuring security and democracy and technological change. These challenges can only be tackled through cooperation. Hoekstra said he wants to make the world a little bit better. Twenty-first century Europe is the best place to live ever. From that privilege comes responsibilities, he said.

Also read: Hoekstra’s presentation further tightens relations in Rutte IV

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