Not so long ago, Dmitry Medvedev was seen in the West as the liberal alternative to Russian President Putin. But lately, Medvedev has emerged as a rabid nationalist, taking an increasingly strident tone against the West.
The former prime minister and former president threatened the Finns and the Swedes with placing nuclear weapons “a stone’s throw from their home” after Finland and Sweden announced that they wanted to join NATO. Last week he called people who hate Russia “monstrosities” and “degenerate types” on Telegram. “They want us, Russia, dead, and as long as I live I’ll do anything to make them disappear.”
Who exactly he had in mind remained unclear, but even the Kremlin reacted a little embarrassed. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov called the fierce tone “understandable”, but emphasized that not Medvedev but President Putin determines foreign policy.
In the shadow of Putin
That must not have been news to Medvedev: his entire political life has been played out in Putin’s shadow. The two met after the collapse of the Soviet Union, when they started working for Leningrad Mayor Anatoly Sobchak, one of the most famous reformist politicians in Russia at the time.
Medvedev was a legal adviser to Sobchak, with whom he had studied law. But soon he also started working for Putin, who rapidly expanded his power with the help of several other former agents of the KGB security service.
When President Yeltsin appointed Putin prime minister in 1999 and anointed him his successor, the latter brought Medvedev to Moscow to become deputy director of the presidential staff.
Personality
In the middle of the siloviki, the figures from the security structures with whom Putin surrounded himself as president made Medvedev a timid impression. But that worked in his favor as Putin neared the end of his second term in 2007. As his intended successor, he put forward Medvedev, someone who would not rival him.
Foreign countries reacted with relief when Medvedev won the elections in 2008. A different wind seemed to be blowing from the Kremlin. A year earlier, at the annual security conference in Munich, Putin had treated Western leaders to a diatribe against the autocratic rule of the United States and NATO’s expansion into Eastern Europe.
“I have seen someone with whom we can work in a good atmosphere, open and relaxed,” concluded EU Commission President José Manuel Barroso after meeting Medvedev. There was a new generation in power, was the feeling among European diplomats. A Russian president with an iPhone, an Apple Watch and other western gadgets.
Policy
Medvedev argued for further economic reforms, more political pluralism and immediately launched a campaign against corruption. Very hypocritical, it turned out later: opposition leader Alexei Navalny exposed him as a corrupt figure who kept a collection of luxurious villas and expensive yachts.
For President Obama, Medvedev’s appointment was reason to offer Russia a ‘reset’ in mutual relations. Although Foreign Minister Lavrov’s “reset button” had a translation error — “peregroezka” (overload) instead of “perezagruzka” (“reset”) — the rapprochement resulted in an agreement between Obama and Medvedev on restriction. of strategic nuclear weapons, New Start.
But the real power remained with Putin. He showed this subtly by addressing the president with ‘ty’ (you), while Medvedev addressed Prime Minister Putin politely with ‘vy’ (u). On paper, Medvedev could have ousted Putin as president, but he was afraid to do so. Apparently he felt he wasn’t cut out to be the new strongman.
In practice, much less changed than the West had hoped. Shortly after taking office, Medvedev launched a war against Georgia, probably on Putin’s orders. The liberalization of the political climate also failed to materialize.
Increasingly bright tone
Putin returned as president in 2012. For eight years he was allowed to play second fiddle as prime minister under Putin, until he was ousted because of failing economic policies. Since then, Medvedev has had to make do with the relatively insignificant post of Vice-President of the National Security Council, where former security chief Nikolai Patrushev calls the shots.
As his power waned, his nationalistic tone has become increasingly fierce. In October last year, he argued in a condescending article that there is no point in negotiating with Ukraine’s leaders because they are being paid by the US and NATO. In doing so, he imitated Putin, who had recently called Ukraine a vassal state of the West. Observers in Russia are now speculating on whether Medvedev is out to return to the Kremlin.
3 x Medvedev
Medvedev comes from an intellectual background. His father and mother both taught at universities. He himself initially also lectured at the State University of Saint Petersburg, in addition to his work as an advisor to the city council. Together with a colleague, he wrote a widely used law handbook.
As the CEO of the board of directors of the Russian state energy company Gazprom (2002-2008), Medvedev put an end to the company’s large-scale tax evasion. He also played an important role in the ‘deprivatization’ of the Russian energy market, including through the acquisition of Sibneft, the oil company of Roman Abramovich, by Gazprom.
More than a billion euros in assets, according to the documentary by Navalny ., Medvedev On vam ne Dimon (“You must not call him Dimon”) despite his modest government salary. The YouTube film, which has since been viewed 40 million times, hit like a bomb. For the Kremlin, it was an important motive to silence Navalny.