It is the centenary of the magnificent Passeig Maristany de Camprodon (Girona), an emblematic summer resort for the Catalan bourgeoisie, and a small group from the Cercle d’Economia, with seven former presidents, met this Saturday for initiative of Carlos Cuatrecasas for the placement of a commemorative plaque for the 72nd anniversary of the zero moment of the Cercle. The act was chaired by Xavier Guitart, the mayor, and Jaume Guardiola, president of the Cercle.
In July 1951, Carlos Ferrer Salat (died 1998) and Joan Mas Canti (he spoke on the spot and is very active) they were 20 years old and decided to promote –despite legal obstacles– an association they called Wild Card Club (the ‘Cercle’ and ‘Economy’ should be subversive) to analyze the reality of Spain and its relationship with the Europe that was born after the Second World War. Two young people from a social environment that used to be with Franco, already wanted think of another future.
The Cercle then welcomed prestigious intellectuals such as Jaume Vicens Vives and the economist Fabian Estape, and before the Transition he supported the economic liberalization, the democratic project and the entry into Europe. Then the Transition and the Constitution of 78 were the key point to leave behind the two Spains of the Civil War.
Democracy is not perfection. Let us remember the great tension of the elections that followed the Islamist attack in Atocha in 2004 that Aznar attributed to ETA. But today there is more concern and concern because a party that seems pre-constitutional (he wants to abolish the autonomous communities), for the first time, and according to the electoral results, he could enter the Government of Spain. everything is open and the PSOE can still win, but the majority of polls predict the victory of the PP.
It is not about judging, but the PP government pacts with Vox in some communities they are a bad precedent. Although certain agreements of the PSOE with Podemos in some laws – that of ‘only yes is yes’ and trans – have helped radicalization. And that Podemos and the independence movement say that the Constitution of 1978 is dead does not reassure broad conservative sectors. Thus, and given the growing tension of the last year, there are people who believe that governing with Vox would not be more serious than doing it with Podemos.
But Spain is more relevant than a community and therefore, according to the results, those who have had an institutional role: the PP, the PSOE and also the democratic parties of Catalonia and the Basque Country must be very careful. Is it convenient for the PP to govern with Vox? Is the PSOE interested in having the PP depend on Vox? Would the PNV and ERC do well for Abascal to be vice president? The EL PERIÓDICO survey last Monday said that the majority of voters of almost all parties would prefer that if the PP wins without a majority –and there was no other alternative–, Feijóo was invested with the abstention of the PSOE and not thanks to a coalition with Vox.
And not because of the most voted list -which the PP never respected-, but because Vox co-governed Spain generates great fears. Because of some atrocities they say, because it has leaders who are nostalgic for the above, and because they are alien to the constitutional consensus of 1978 that ranged from Fraga’s AP to Carrillo’s PCE, the Catalan nationalists and even, in some way, the PNV. Of course, as the legislature and the campaign have gone, socialist abstention would require a previous and hard political negotiation.
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Nor should it be simplified. In some countries, like Germany, no pact with the extreme right is allowed. But Trump was elected president of the United States and wants to be again. And Giorgia Meloni won the elections in Italy and is the prime minister of a founding country of the EU, although she is lowering her positions a lot. And returning to Spain, I suspect that many citizens, who are not reactionary, listened carefully –despite their dissonances– to what Abascal said in the TVE debate on Wednesday.
Spain knew how to advance with ‘seny’ from the Camprodon of 51 to the Constitution of 78 which, like it more or less, is the guarantee of democracy. And the steps back – although they may seem small – are always dangerous. Sánchez, Feijóo, Junqueras and Urkullu must take this into account.