What was the loaded gun that tried to kill Cristina Kirchner? The strict chronicle, which is clear from the still premature part of security, says that it was a .32 caliber pistol, Bersa brand, and that it had five bullets inside. But, as sometimes happens with the facts of reality that seem to be taken from a movie -and the failed assassination falls comfortably on this list-, the empirical detail falls short to explain what happened. Another explanation can also be tried, as forceful as the lead that miraculously never came out of the weapon that killed the vice president and ended the precarious tranquility of an entire country: that this attack was driven by something more than the anonymous madness of a sociopath with Nazi symbology tattoos on his body. That it is not an isolated event and that it is also a miracle that something like this had not happened before. That what Argentina has in the chamber is a deep hatred that threatens to rot it and that, unlike the pistol that attacked CFK, it has no problem coming out.
Fears. There is another question that could be linked to the first. When did the attack against the vice president begin to take shape? the militants of the crack would surely rehearse at this moment a response that they have been repeating for years. It is the one that says that in this country there has always been an extreme rivalry between two antagonistically different sides: unitary and federal, rosistas and sarmentinos, radicals and conservatives, peronists and gorillas,montoneros and military, and so on the signatures. But it seems like an easy answer and one that, almost forty years after the return of democracy, does not clarify much.
Is that, how is that manual explanation useful to understand, for example, the blows that were unleashed after the attack on a bar in Caballito? In the restaurant Don Zoilo After midnight, two diners braided pineapples: one defended CFK and compared the attempted assassination with the coup against Juan Domingo Perón in 1955, while the other defended Mauricio Macri and accused the vice president of being corrupt. The video later went viral on the networks and is a perfect example of the crack that poisons the country: not even a few hours had passed since the failed assassination plan and violence had already flooded the streets and divided society.
One could test the idea that the attack against Cristina Kirchner, and the violence generated before and after has as its main input the hatred that runs through the entire country. It is a rotten fruit that is widely cultivated by both sides of local politics, by those who, on the one hand, ask to wake up tomorrow “in a country without Kirchnerists” and who accuse CFK of all the evils that have been and will be, and by those who They sing that Macri is the dictatorship and that he and his henchmen have an evil plan designed together with Justice and the means to wipe them off the face of the earth. It is in that discursive and real intersection where violence germinates. This is how mortuary bags with the faces of Peronist leaders appear at the door of the Casa Rosada, how a deputy in the north is shot in an act, how protesters engage in a pitched battle before the appearance of some fences, how politicians on both sides they suffer constant escraches on public roads.
It is a hatred that, moreover, comes with a particular detail: each side accuses the other of exactly the same thing. Evil is the other, violence is the other, adjustment is the other, irrationality is the other. Hate, on the other hand, remains an orphan. Nobody wants to take care of him. But it is everywhere, and it almost wears an entire country.
That said, what is worrying now is the escalation of generalized violence. How are the decibels lowered after the attack against CFK? It is an almost unprecedented event. The last assassination attempt had been on Raúl Alfonsín, 31 years ago, when they tried to assassinate the then President in an act in San Nicolás. As if it were a macabre irony, the radical had also been miraculously saved because the gun did not fire. Perhaps this time, the second time a weapon malfunction saves the country, Argentina will take advantage of the miracle and the opportunity.
Internal. All these ghosts travel, in these dramatic hours, the entrails of the national government. The climate there ranged from deep anger to the fear of someone who is far from having an answer to understand what went wrong. In the ruling party, the internal ones for security and street management – with a separate chapter regarding the vice president – had been the subject of debate. Several members of the leadership of the Casa Rosada recalled that not only had Cristina miraculously saved her life during this government: in March of last year, a rain of stones fell on the truck that was transporting the President to the exit of an act in Chubut. The event had been improvised, and Alberto Fernández had gone despite the fact that many around him recommended that he not appear in that province that presented a high degree of social conflict. The stones shattered the windows and there were several that passed within centimeters of the head of the President and his wife. This anecdote returned to the minds of several priests of the Front of All after the attack against the vice president. “This is what happens to lukewarm and improvised governments,” says an angry member of the official leadership.
Near CFK it was a fear that was growing. In March of this year a group of demonstrators had destroyed his office in the Senate, using stones. The tension in the cristinista circle had escalated to the point that several accused Aníbal Fernández, Minister of Security and historical cristinista, of not having acted as he should to take care of the integrity of the leader, and even suggested that there was ill will of part of the official The tension between the parties had lowered after the incident, but it reveals the degree of nervousness that ran through that world. The one who can testify to this is Máximo Kirchner himself. The camperista leader had suffered a crossroads with the police, which he was about to pass to majors, when he went to visit his mother in Recoleta, on the last weekend of August. The deputy had tried to cross the police fence to get to the department and in the middle a brawl broke out with the police. The detail is that the man, when he finally got to see his mother -before she gave an impromptu speech from the corner of her house, where he charged against Larreta but finally sent his militants “to rest”-, told him hid what had happened. CFK only found out the next day, when someone sent the video to his cell phone. It is a sign that the tension over the security of that environment is a more than delicate issue. “It’s just that we are very scared,” a high-ranking Cabinet official who has K terminals tells NOTICIAS, and with a hoarse voice.
At the close of this edition, the climate was still extreme throughout the political arc, and the spirits continued without calming down. Hatred and its consequences hold Argentina hostage.
