Whenever I come across an omelette, dinner as handy as it is soulless, it comes to mind ‘Holds Pereira’, the novel that raised Antonio Tabucci. The protagonist likes the ‘omelette’ with fine herbs served at Café Orquídea, in Salazarist Lisbon: eggs, a teaspoon of Dijon mustard, oregano, marjoram and a pinch of salt. At home, the truth is, we make them French style, like we have always done, without sophistication. It does not matter. In any of its variants, the secret so that the tortilla is juicy lies in the wrist, in the white and the well-beaten yolk, and in the heat of the frying pan, over a high heat, with the scattered joy of the gas, that blue flame that, when you open the spigot, you no longer know if it comes from Putin, from Algeria or from the beyond.
Life, events, the dark conspiracy of interests follow each other at such a devilish pace that you don’t even have time to digest them. Until yesterday, as they say, Algeria supplied almost half of the gas consumed in Spain, either through the Medgaz gas pipeline (37%), which reaches the coast of Almería, or through methane tankers (another 5.5%). But it turns out that, since last February, The United States has already become the main supplier of liquefied gas, considerably more expensive than Algerian and Russian. big business After Algeria’s decision, at the end of October, to close another gas pipeline, the one that crosses the territory of Morocco, it was said that the closure of the tap would be solved with ships from Oran, but the story has been a very different one.
In 1976, when the Green March, the Saharawis were left behind. Now, three quarters of the same.
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The soaring prices of hydrocarbons, the war in Ukraine, the efforts to economically isolate the Kremlin, the fact that Morocco is the US’s strategic ally in North Africa and that Algeria, on the contrary, is Russia’s in that geographical area, all well shaken, as in the ‘omelette’ of Pereira. And in case there was an ingredient missing, the 180-degree turn in Spanish foreign policy, of traditional neutrality, regarding the Sahara, throwing overboard 47 years of diplomatic efforts, without even saving his honor. The Saharawis were left stranded in 1975, when the Green March, when Hassan II applied his ultimatum with clockwork skill on the precise point, with Franco dying and his regime terrified that a colonial conflict with replacement soldiers would alter the already yes difficult transit. Now, three quarters of the same. Like cigarette butts, without even warning Algiers.
Stripping the daisy of the crudest ‘real politik’, it could be assumed that, in effect, the alawite kingdom will never accept a referendum on the self-determination of Western Sahara. But will Morocco comply with the supposed counterparts of the pact? Fishing, hashish trafficking and especially boats to the Canary Islands and massive assaults on the fences of Ceuta and Melilla. The matter, the surrender to Rabat’s demands, It should have been done transparently, with stenographers and good light. Without the gaslight effect.