The National Disability Agency (Andis) became the epicenter of a political earthquake that exposes, as rarely before, the internal and tensions that cross Javier Milei’s government. The displacement of Diego Spagnuolountil now holder of the agency, not only responds to the filtration of compromising audios: it is also the clearest sample of the fragility of an official armed sustained in precarious pacts, cross accusations and suspicions of corruption in the high spheres of power.
Spagnuolo’s departure arrived at dawn, in a statement from the presidential spokesman Manuel Adornias who seeks to turn off a fire without giving oxygen. But the audios that circulate already left their mark: in them, the official admitted that “illegal collection” in drug contracts passed through the president’s sister, Karina Mileiand for the Riojan cousins Lule and Martín Menem. The mechanics, as reported, consisted of a return of 8% to providers who, by well -oiled channels, ended at the small table of power.
The impossible alibi
The government sought to install the idea that Milei did not know what happened And that it was an operation “of its people”, but the words of Spagnuolo reveal something else: “I talked to the president. I have all Karina’s WhatsApp. I told him you can not do the boludo with me.” The, brutal phrase, erodes the defensive line of the ruling and suggests that the Casa Rosada was not only aware, but decided to look the other way while the operation advanced.
The scandal does not occur in any context. Explodes at the same time that Congress rejects the presidential veto to the emergency in disabilitya setback that showed a weakened Milei and without control of his troop. The Andis, responsible for administering vital funds for one of the most vulnerable sectors, was involved in the complaint of millionaire returns, while the opposition denounces a “jubilee of corruption.”
Karina Milei under the magnifying glass
The president’s sister, who controls the General Secretariat of the Presidency and manages the political device of Libertad advances, appears indicated as a direct receiver from the collection. Spagnuolo spoke of 3% that “reaches Karina” and 1% destined for the operation. The figure is not lower: between 500 thousand and 800 thousand dollars per month, according to the testimony of the official fallen in disgrace.
The complaint of Bonds with Argentine Swiss drugstoreof the Kovalivker family, reopen old suspicions. This firm, with a strong presence in the north of the country, had already been questioned by the minister Sandra Pettovello In 2024. now it reappears as a central gear of a machinery of inflated contracts and returns that, according to different opposition sources, would have financed both the presidential campaign and the legislative aspirations of this year.
The Menem, between loyalty and business
Lule and Martín Menem are, in the audios, key actors. Spagnuolo describes how they tried to locate trusted officials within the Andis to control the box. “Lule wanted to put a mine in a national direction and I frhted it. Then I wanted to put me from human resources and I frhted it. In the end it put me the most important of all through Karina. One that came to drip.” The words reveal a fierce intern in which the Menem struggle for spaces of power in an organism that manages sensitive and large resources.
The signaling is serious: it states that the dispute is not merely administrative, but responds to a parallel collection system that involves providers, intermediaries and leaders of the official dome.
Caputo’s invisible hand
The name of Santiago Caputo, strategic advisor and brain of presidential communication, appears as a shadow behind the filtration. Different versions suggest that it was he who facilitated the dissemination of Spagnuolo audios, in an attempt to destabilize the faction of Karina and the Menem. The hypothesis gains strength if it is considered that Caputo has been faced with the Riojan clan for months and that, after the debacle in the closing of lists, he lost influence on political decisions.
Caputo would have tried to stop the publication in some media, but could not prevent the material from ending in the Carnival streamingwhere Spagnuolo’s voice was made public. The damage was already done: the scandal hit the heart of the libertarian intern and left Milei in an uncomfortable position in front of her own sister.
The opposition smells blood
Socialism, the UCR, the left and Peronism agreed to claim immediate explanations. Esteban Paulón, Mónica Fein and Margarita Stolbizer requested the interpellation of Karina Milei and Spagnuolowhile Leandro Santoro described as a “unusual” that millionaire bribes are discussed in the same week in which the disability law was voted. The radical Pablo Juliano stirred holders printed in full session, and the Trotskyist Chipi Castillo denounced that “the government takes advantage of disability.”
The accusations also cross with another delicate plot: the contaminated fentanyl crisis, which already left a hundred deaths and whose health control fell to the Ministry of Health. Mario Lugonesholder of that portfolio, appears increasingly weakened, signed by both opponents and journalists close to the ruling party.
A government at war
The Spagnuolo case shows the difficulty of mileism to sustain a transparency story while corruption cases explode in sensitive areas. The Andis, an agency that should guarantee rights and assistance to people with disabilities, became the scenario where all inmates converge: Pettovello against the Menem, Karina against Caputo, the forced president himself to sacrifice a close friend to avoid a higher cost.
The reaction of the ruling party – to focus on Spagnuolo and talk about “preventive removal” – does not clear the background doubts. The audios are explicit, the figures are overwhelming and the political crisis is not resolved with a night statement.
Conclusion: Corrosion of power
The scandal in the Andis reveals more than a case of corruption. It is the radiography of a government in which personal projects, family disputes and operators that use the proximity to the President as a currency. In a country where Congress has just rejected Milei’s veto in disability, the filtration of audios that expose illegal returns to the president’s sister is a devastating blow to the official credibility.
The suspicions of Caputo, the links with the Argentine Swiss, the opposition claims and the vulnerability of Lugones configure a painting that threatens to become the libertarian watercate. The Milei government, who had made the chainsaw and the anti -discussion its registered mark, now faces the worst of the contradictions: that corruption is no longer a legacy of the past, but an open wound within its own intimate circle.
By rn
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