The meeting of Cristina Kirchner with militant artists and journalists in the town of Pilar unleashed the fury of Luis D’Elía. “Congratulations for the work you do with so much commitment and professionalism and thank you for the affection you always have,” the vice president told those present, while many Peronist leaders with long faces found out what happened through the media.
D’Elía he couldn’t stand: “How lucky the artists are. I was imprisoned for three years for a Kirchnerist and he never picked up the phone to ask us how we were, “he wrote on his Twitter account, pointing to the head of the space. Bomb.
Two years after the start of the government of the Frente de Todos, the coalition caboose awaits a minimal gesture. D’Elía, Ricardo Echegaray, Julio De Vido, José López, Milagro Sala and Ricardo Jaime they were locked in the ghost train of Kirchnerism. They are the pariahs of the Government and they no longer have any qualms about letting them know.
Reproaches. It is not the first time D’Elía points directly to Cristina Kirchner. The head of the Miles party, on probation after being convicted of taking over a La Boca police station, had made demands on the government’s formula. But never with the forcefulness of this last time.
In September, he demanded that “partner” Alberto Fernández resume the social plans that had been distributed during the strict quarantine of 2020. “Food prices are exorbitant. There is hunger in the neighborhoods. We must do something urgent, “he said.
In those days, he also criticized Cristina’s decision in 2019: “If Néstor Kirchner lived, I would never have chosen Alberto Fernández as a candidate for president. “And he added:” I don’t know why Cristina chose him. It is a question that I ask myself repeatedly. She had known the character for twenty years and knew what his ideological conditions were, his options, his alliance systems in politics ”, completed the man who considers himself“ the antipodes ”of the President.
But Alberto and Cristina are not the only ones pointed out by the social leader. D’Elía also encouraged the son of the vice: “Kirchnerism is me, they don’t know what they are,” he said about La Cámpora. And he completed: “We build Kirchnerism Carlos Kunkel, Aníbal Fernández, Néstor Kirchner and Luis D’Elía. These kids I don’t know who they are ”.
Another who claimed a call in the last week was Ricardo Echegaray. The former head of the AFIP, convicted in the Oil Combustibles case, indicated that he should be “as acquitted” as the businessmen Cristóbal López and Fabián de Sousa. And, although he considered that he does not believe that Kirchnerism has “let go of his hand”, then he revealed that only one leader K had called him: Oscar Parrilli. “That is human,” he concluded.
The Echegaray thing was complicated from the beginning. It is that as soon as the macrismo had entered the Casa Rosada, the man wanted to detach himself from the harsh Kirchnerism: in his first meeting as head of the General Audit Office of the Nation, he approved harsh reports against Cristina’s administration.
The return of Peronism to power left him in an uncomfortable place: Mercedes Marcó del Pont put him in the freezer and they left him alone to face trial. “I did not receive a call,” he even said in his allegations.
The only gesture of courtesy, not less at this point in his procedural situation, had to do with the fact that the AFIP decided to keep him in the Customs position until the sentence is final, despite the fact that it disqualifies him from holding public office . An oasis of generosity, in the middle of the desert where they left him.
Rebellion. As much or more than Cristina, the government’s outcasts also began to encourage him. Not even the investiture is enough for the forgotten of Peronism to comply with what Alberto Fernández said. So it was that he rebelled Milagro Sala, who, after protesting his convictions, publicly disavowed him.
It happened at the beginning of December, during a tribute to victims of the last dictatorship. The President defended the leader of the Tupac Amaru: “I will always be at the side of the unjustly imprisoned,” he assured. And he added: “I have the responsibility to ask for them. I talk to Milagro and I know what happens ”.
But Sala did not let her pass: “I listened to the President, he says that he has spoken with me often but it has been more than a year that I have not spoken with him,” he said before demanding: “It is politics that put me in jail and it is politics. the one that should solve my situation ”. With a couple of sentences, Milagro left the President offside.
A pioneer in the art of shooting the President is Julio De Vido. The former Minister of Planning came to describe Alberto Fernández’s actions as “immeasurable misery.” It was before he appointed Martín Soria, whose sister had voted to dismiss the once all-powerful leader, as head of the Justice portfolio.
De Vido, a historical ally of Nestor Kirchner, was marginalized from power and suffers the consequences. His ostracism has even led him to be more critical of the administration than the opponents can be. In November, for example, he had been encouraged to predict the darkest scenario. He indicated that there could be “a social implosion” if “economic policy does not change.” Then he protested: “We did not come back better.” Worse still in his case: he could never return.
De Vido’s fight with the government is not new. The first round happened as soon as Peronism had returned to power: the then Chief of Cabinet, Santiago Cafiero, denied the “political prisoners.” “There are arbitrary arrests,” he said, changing the concept. “What would you think if Cristina had been outraged and was imprisoned?”, The former minister asked. And he protested: “How much deficit in political training.”
At his right hand, José López, they also made him feel uprooted. So much so that the former secretary of Public Works came to confess to his closest friends that he believed himself to be the “scapegoat” of Kirchnerism. Of course, he was one of the few who remained behind bars while the others regained their freedom.
Finally, after insisting until exhaustion, he got parole. But since he is under the witness protection program, a paradox occurs: López’s integrity is taken care of by those whom he pointed out as responsible for the corruption in the Public Works trial. That is why it remains silent.
Another historical ally of Nestor was trapped in the ghost train. Ricardo Jaime, former Minister of Transportation, is, at this point, the only former official who remains in prison. Therefore, this December sought to generate a coup that had no consequences. “I started a hunger strike since I cannot conceive of spending the sixth Christmas in preventive prison, while all the repentants are free,” he said weeks before the holidays. Nothing changed.
The K outcasts are still waiting for a gesture from the Government. They suffered the four years of Macrismo, but the return of Peronism did not benefit them either. A difficult setback to digest. To make matters worse, in this first half of the administration, they saw with amazement how some who were worse off than they recovered their health. Amado Boudou, for example, who is increasingly seen closer to the President and vice. D’Elía, Echegaray, De Vido, López, Sala and Jaime do not accept their condition: they are the ones excluded from the management. The ghosts of Peronism.
