There will be exceptions, but judging by what happened in the hours that preceded the closing of lists in the province of Buenos Aires, who live from politics are, as Javier Milei and his acolytes say, chameleonic characters that are much more interested in their own well -being than in anything else. From the point of view of such individuals, the dysfunctional Legislature from Buenos Aires, in addition to providing them with a source of income that can increase with the contributions – received by “the chocolate” on duty – of the gnocchi who sponsor, allow them Stoned and forced to stay at home and wear an electronic ankle, Cristina aspired to occupy a seat.
Although the Honorable Chamber of Deputies and the equally honorable Chamber of Buenos Aires Senators affect very little in the lives of the inhabitants of the province, for hundreds of politics professionals are essential institutions. Despite the bad reputation that have been won, for many people equivalent to a lifeguard.
Thus, to anyone’s surprise, before finishing fixing the lists there were last -minute changes, endless furious brawl Peronism believes itself invincible. It will be faced by the former Police Commission Maximiliano Bondarenko that will base his campaign on the insecurity of an infested area of drugged criminals who do not hesitate to kill passers-by in exchange for a miserable loot but that does not seem willing to throw those responsible for the disaster.
In accordance, in the competition by places in the sheets of the provincial election the Peronists were responsible for setting up a show that turned out to be even more sperphentic than that starring their libertarian enemies that were joyfully phagocytizing the PRO, which can be understood since the movement by Antonomasia is suffering a severe identity crisis and fears losing the dominance of its main bastion. Although many companions want to free themselves from Cristina, few feel enthusiasm for the somewhat tasteless and very problematic figure of Kicillof.
When giving priority to the interests of his own faction and conserving the formal support of his internal rivals, the governor managed to disagree with the bosses of the union branch that for decades boasted to constitute the backbone of the Justicialist Party, will they limit themselves to complain about the refusal to give them places on the lists? Even if some wanted to take revenge, they do not have many alternatives, since they will not be able to join the Milesto Oa la, for now barely active, “Republican” opposition to the national government. Likewise, it would surprise that the marginalization of the trade unionists did not harm the PJ in which they have always played a prominent role as, they say, the representatives of the “working people.”
Anyway, although there is no new leader who is able to mobilize “the feeling” that for so long has kept it agglutinated, Peronism will continue to be a force for the other groups will have to take into account. Being so heterogeneous, it has always been the favorite vehicle of those young people who want to become a lifetime members of “La Casta” and who, after learning the black arts of the trade they have chosen, have often became outstanding positions in less eclectic matches such as the pro or, lately, freedom advances.
Naturally, Milei celebrated in his particular style the prevailing confusion in the Peronist ranks and the appropriate blackouts that allowed them to prolong the acrimonium disputes in which they participated. He tweeted: “When things like those last night, I wonder what the fools who accuse of violating the Republic think because the manners are not liking. They do not dimension the monster we face.” As many have pointed out, the verbalrágico Anarco-Capitalista should remember what Friedrich Nietzsche said: “Who with monsters fights, takes care not to become a monster.” He understands it or not, Milei also usually behaves as a product of the sticky Peronist culture.
Be that as it may, the libertarian and his adláteres can only expect that in the next weeks the Peronists, both the Kirchnerists and those who evolve them but resist explicitly breaking with them, continue to generate scandals. Unless they do, they would not be so easy to deprive them of the control of the province grotesquely oversized that, thanks to a large extent to the demographic weight of the depressed conurbano, decisively influences the destination of the country as a whole.
Among both external and internal investors, the consensus is that a defeat of freedom advances in the key province, even if it was for a handful of votes, could unleash an economic convulsion hardly manageable by resuscitating the spectrum of a return to the power of Kirchnerism. On the other hand, a triumph, especially if it was overwhelming, would eliminate an obstacle that continues to prevent the substantial funds that the country would need to start a very vigorous macroeconomic growth stage. Unfortunately, the decades of monetary irresponsibility that the country experienced before the emergence of Milei still influence the attitude of those who handle gigantic amounts of money than the fiscal feats of the libertarian.
However, the one that the relatively good image that Milei has preserved, which continues to have the support or, at least, with the acquiescence, almost half of the electorate, depends completely on the march of the economy, poses a problem to its rivals, in political terms, it would be of its interest that the model that the Government is trying to install began to make water. The Kirchnerists who imputely pray so that everything falls to the ground, since they would prefer to reign in a ruined country than to see themselves without political power and the opportunities to profit that it enables in a prosperous one. Others, who approve “the course” taken by the libertarian but have good reasons not to love Milei, limit themselves to criticizing, perhaps prematurely, the obvious deficiencies of a strategy that privileges the fiscal above all others.
For these, the will of the president and his sister Karina to increase her own power at the expense of allies who would like to play an active role in the eventual recovery of the country raises a thorny dilemma. If they oppose the government, they will help the Kirchnerists and others who are determined to prolong for some years the existence of the old corporate model. Otherwise, they will run the risk of being subordinated to what they see as a band of blunt and monothematic improvised that treat them with contempt as disposable pieces.
If most of the opinion polls are right, La Libertad advances, accompanied by the Pro as soci minor, walks towards a notable victory in the province. It happens that, despite all the difficulties caused by an adjustment that has harmed vulnerable sectors such as that made up of retirees and a development program that threatens those who will not be able to take advantage of a recovery financed by the sale of natural resources, Milei has preserved the ability to mobilize the hope of millions of people and also the resentment that produces the egotism of a self -absorbed political class. It would seem that, for strangeness of those who assumed that the man from the chainsaw would soon sink, in this area little has changed from the electoral victory that opened the doors of the Casa Rosada and the presidential residence of Olivos.
For those linked to “La Casta”, electoral tournaments are of the utmost importance. Are they for foot citizens who have to live with the consequences of what happens at the polls? In many districts of the country in which elections have been held, the indifference or impotence that so many feel has uploaded absenteeism to unusual levels. As things are, it is more than likely that a substantial proportion of the Buenos Aires, as a month ago did so many Santecofinos, choose to boycott the provincial elections, which, in view of how difficult it has been made to know what the various candidates really represent, would be understandable. It is that here, as in many other parts of the world, politics has become an issue for specialists who have moved so much from the bulk of citizenship that few believe genuinely represented by deputies, senators, municipal councilors and others whose names appear in long lists under those of characters that, for some reason, have a certain degree of notoriety.
