On what happened in the last hours of the dramatic Friday, August 29, after two audios of Karina Milei recorded in a private meeting, there are two versions in the government.
The first is the one that remains the most comfortable. It presents everything that happened since that night as an orchestrated political engineering maneuver: the decision to prosecute the dissemination of the audios and to pave the journalists who had published them would be, according to this story, an action planned by the Executive’s Popes to divert the focus of the public conversation. To stop talking about the coimas that the sister of the president of the National Disability Agency (Andis) would be receiving. Some who orbit the Casa Rosada are encouraged to take a step further. “Who thinks you made them disseminate? Some where Karina says absolutely nothing incriminatory, only remains as a person who reaches the pink first hour and is killed by working,” they suggest. Needless to say, this story according to which they are killed by the greatest corruption scandal of its management to a planned counteroffensive leaves the government, if not well stopped, at least still in the ring. Controlling or trying to control the situation.
The other version is, however, much less generous about the stability of those who conduct Argentina. You could say nothing. As it circulated between the halls of power, when he heard his sister’s voice spinning in the networks Javier Milei entered a serious abduction of violence, several steps above a normal anger. That fury was, as they murmured under the pink, simply uncontrollable. To pave journalists was not enough for the president. I wanted more. An operator of the ruling swears that, in those hours of tension, unusual theories were sliding and beyond the law such as the detention of the journalists involved or the de facto closure of the Carnival streaming channel. Santiago Caputo and Patricia Bullrich would have been in charge of calming the “León”, making him see that what he asked would be, in addition to unconstitutional, a huge political error. According to this version, the advanced judicial against Jorge Rial and Mauro Federico would have been made not for the purpose of effectively, but simply to reassure Milei, almost like what two tired parents do who want to put in cash an enclosed child. In fact, the decision of the prosecutor Carlos Stornelli to claim the protection of journalistic sources and not send the public force to the journalists was received with relief in La Rosada. Strikingly, almost no one was surprised. Almost as if it had been something they expected.
Which of the two stories will be the real? This editorial can prove that the second has the entire brand of the president’s modus operandi: Milei’s declared decision to try to close a profile – in public three times for him, in addition to the squeezes that come from the state he commands – it was made after a rapture of emotional imbalancing, after seeing a lid of this magazine where the true amount of dogs was revealed in the fifth of olive trees. Exactly the same. However, now the paranoia seem to have wrapped, audios and leaks through, to the entire government. They are days of anxiety for freedom progress.
