The Supreme Court He firm the sentence to six years in prison and perpetual disqualification to exercise public office against Cristina Fernández de Kirchner for corruption in road cause. The decision, with immediate legal impact and long -range political consequences, seals the judicial fate of the most influential leader of Peronism In the last two decades. But what leaves in suspense – and generates vertigo both in Peronism and in libertarian ruling – is the political scenario that opens with its formal separation of the board.
“Cristina had reduced Peronism to a neighborhood party,” shoots Julio BárbaroPeronist of the old guard. And that diagnosis is not less. Because the conviction not only disables Cristina; also pushes Peronism to reconfigure Without the gravitational axis that for 20 years was his voice, his story and his control of the candidacies. “Beyond my differences with her, what happened hurts,” adds barbarian. The phrase summarizes the dilemma of many: the ideological distance and historical belonging remain in tension.
For Ignacio Labaqui, political analyst, the panorama is no more encouraging. “Peronism is at a fairly critical moment,” he warns. With few governorates and divided between provincial leaderships And national referents in decline, the movement faces its greatest crisis of representation since 1983. Cristina was for years the figure that unified (although it also divided), and its forced retirement leaves exposed fissures that had remained under its shadow.
In that sense, Labaqui observes that the discursive response is already being armed: the leadership soon speaking of “proscription.” That is, it will transform the judicial sentence into a political flag. The strategy, which Cristina has already rehearsed after her first conviction, seeks to strengthen her symbolic place as a victim of the system. Carlos Fara, meanwhile, agrees that this narrative will not disappear easily: “I could cease to be president of the PJ, but continue to handle real power. Cristina has always said that it is not necessary to have a position to drive.”
The Court resolved, but Cristina still has legal resources, such as the request for house arrest, and above all, residual political power. As Fara points out, even with a firm conviction, “you can continue campaigning even if it is imprisoned.” It is not only the legal, but the symbolic: the image of the former president with an ankle could shake an amilanado Peronism.
The curious thing – and key – is that this scene also affects the ruling party. Although milei celebrated (without saying it at all), Losing Cristina as visible antagonist has costs. As Fara warns: “Milei was more convenient for Cristina to have the lists a place. It is not the same as Mayra Mendoza.” That is, the strategy of mileismo of stirring the “Kirchner ghost” as a permanent threat loses efficacy if the figure of Cristina is displaced by other less calls.
This could open, as Labaqui points out, A window to the political center. “If the tension goes down, the centrism so missing between Peronism and libertarians may resurface.” But that possibility is still far. For now, libertarians seem more comfortable without concrete adversaries, polarizing with the past. “The ruling one falls alone, does not need enemies,” barbaric. In other words, with the tensioning economy and a social conflict, The government is not convenient for the scenario to be depoliticized: it needs an identifiable adversary, and Cristina, until today, fulfilled that role.
On the side of Peronism, The looks inevitably turn to Axel Kicillof. He had already tensioned the link with Cristina by rejecting the electoral unfolding between province and nation, and now is presented as the main institutional heir, although without the full consensus of the Peronist tribes. Kicillof He is governor, but not a political boss. Without Cristina, and with Sergio Massa crouchedthe space driving is open.
Within this framework, the request for house prison in its Department of Constitution, the possible electronic anklet and the support march are just symptoms of the political earthquake. The court ruling marks a before and after, but does not liquidate Cristina’s power. Reconfigura. His word, his figure and his conviction will continue to be a center of gravity in Argentine politics.
