Merced the three judges of the Supreme Court, Cristina was able to return to the center of the national political scene, passing passagely to Javier Milei, but he will have already understood that, although they will have moved the manifestations of support with which her many supporters honored her, they were merely ritual, a way of saying thanks for the memory and goodbye. After all, not even the most passionate supporters of the Ankle Lady believed that the marches in which they participated will have served to bend justice that, in the coming months, it could condemn it to spend more years under detention than the six that is already complying.
Although many Peronists feel obliged to try to convince the world that the former president is the victim of a conspiracy urged by unscrupulous reactionaries, with the alleged exception of the most exalted Kirchnerists they know that they should not make them loyalty towards her the only thing that keeps them together. Bad that weigh, to be able to represent an alternative to mileism, they would have to elaborate a story that is less rudimentary, one that, in addition to claiming their links with the past with allusions to that tumultuous October 17 of three quarters of a century ago, it seems to offer solutions for the future. Because it is the local variant of a challenge that has all the political parties of the planet in suspense, it will not be easy.
Cristina and her intimates pray so that the scheme driven by Milei shares the fate of so many other attempts to dismantle the corporate model that, for decades, has prevented Argentina from being enriched as Italy, Spain and other countries of similar cultural and political traditions did. They want everything to end in tears, which, once again, the organized working people are unable to withstand those antipathic “structural reforms” that, according to all serious economists who express interest in the exasperating Argentine enigma, will have to be carried out so that the country comes out of the trap in which it has been involved.
In other words, what is proposed who has not yet ceased to be the most important Peronist leader, is that the movement is dedicated to sabotage the libertarian project with the purpose of hurrying the day when Argentina suffers a crisis that is even more destructive than that caused by the triumvirate formed by Alberto Fernández, Sergio Massa and Cristina herself. The Peronists do not ignore that they themselves caused a disaster so serious that an angry outsider of ideas could succeed that until then very few had been encouraged to defend; They hope that their creation will manage to return the favor and thus enable their own return.
Could what they have in mind work to return to power demolishing the Milei project? Of course, especially if President Locouaz continues to manufacture enemies when treating allies as potential traitors, covering them with youth insults. The libertarian and his advisors will be right when they point out that consensus have only served to consolidate collective failures, but, based as it is in the awareness that the drastic changes that are implementing are necessary, the one that is being developed is different from those “great national agreements” that contributed so much to prolong the life of the order that would lead the country to its unfortunate current situation.
A consequence of the most notable successes of the still brief management of Milei, such as the rapid reduction of the inflation rate and the stimulus that has given the energy sector and mining, is that problems that many had become accustomed to overlooking are becoming more visible. One, perhaps the most pressing, is the one raised by the notorious deficiencies of the country’s workforce. If the modernization process that the Government has implemented, a substantial proportion of the population will be forced to adapt very soon to modalities that are alien to it. Will they be able to do it? Unless they are, the country could enjoy an accelerated growth stage combined with a substantial increase in the level of unemployment, which would provide the opposites to mileism a sinfin of pretexts to organize loud street protests.
In the populist model, for calling it that way, the economy must adapt to the immediate needs of the majority that, judging by the available statistics, does not stand out for its attachment to “the culture of work”, for their knowledge or for its willingness to learn. Politicians such as Cristina and her former protected transformed into internal rival, Axel Kiciloff, understand that maintaining things as they are, without worrying about unpleasant issues such as competitiveness, can assure them the votes they require to preserve the power they have accumulated. It is for this reason that they mentally cling to the status quo of decades already gone. While they imagine progressive, the truth is that they are ultra -conservatives.
Although all those committed to the corporate model claim to want that, finally, the economy wakes up from its lethargy to grow, they refuse to recognize that in such a case their own electoral clientele would face challenges that for many would be traumatic. Good that badly, to become a developed country, Argentina would have to experience a much deeper cultural revolution than the one that obsesses the Mileists. By beneficial for the whole that results in the fiscal balance and monetary stability that the government is achieving, they entail the risk that, walking time, many men and women are marginalized because they will not be in a position to contribute much that it is economically valuable. Unfortunately, those who say that the thriving and internationally competitive Argentina with which Milei dreams would be a much more unequal country than the existing one is wrong.
If you want to dodge the danger that is assumed, Milei would have to incorporate into your program the renewal of the education system and make a negligible effort to persuade everyone that your own destiny will depend on your will to fully take advantage of the opportunities you provide. Although there are no lack of politicians and others who lament the generalized educational deterioration that, year after year, is registered in international evidence, it would seem that they have not managed to modify the attitudes of the most harmed by what is happening. It is common to take education for “a right” and imply that the government on duty is responsible for failures in the field, but perhaps it would be better to treat it as a citizen duty that everyone will have to comply.
Although Argentina is far from being the only country in which the academic level achieved by the most recent generations is decisively lower than that of the previous ones -United States is another -, the contrast between the will to learn is striking that is characteristic of Chinese, South Korean, Japanese and Hindu young people on the one hand and that of their Argentine contemporaries on the other. In a time as competitive as the current one, such differences matter.
At this point, few would deny that, to prosper, Argentina will have to integrate commercially into the world, but doing so would be extremely difficult for entrepreneurs who, to survive, depend on protectionist barriers and already feel alarmed by the recent increase in imports. Here, Opening is still a bad word for those who, like Fuegian politicians, insist that consumers should subsidize them for patriotic reasons.
Milei hopes that the geopolitical earthquakes that are modifying the international scenario with unusual. He has been able to celebrate what was achieved in the Middle East by the two foreign countries that most admire, the United States and Israel, and the humiliating setbacks suffered by the rabid Iranian theocracy that was behind the attacks against the headquarters of the AMIA and the Embassy of Israel without Argentina being in a position to retaliate against those responsible for such atrocities.
Although it would be premature to give a discounted that the military feats of Milei’s friends produce permanent positive changes that the country would know how to take advantage of, at least they have served to locate it on the side of the winners, which could make it more attractive in the eyes of the large investment funds that, until now, have preferred not to put their money within reach of an eventual populist government that, they fear, I would not hesitate. Thus, the next elections could be decisive not only for the ambitious Mileista project but also for the future of Argentina.
While there are many indications that Kirchner populism is losing bellows, it is far from having completely exhausted. In the most depressed areas of Buenos Aires, you can still have the apparently congenital loyalty of those who have always voted for Peronist candidates, which is why Milei should be assured of electoral support not only of those seduced by the libertarian gospel but also of the persuades that, despite the rudeness that is usual, it is less bad than the alternative.
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