Argentina is not the only democracy in which the reputation of the political class is on the floor. It is a universal phenomenon that is due to the difficult – some would say the impossible – that it is to respect the interests of the majority in societies that necessarily have to adapt to technological changes that always privilege those capable of taking advantage of them and harm many others. Not only to the politicians of the heap but also those who are proud of their scientific knowledge have a hard time understanding what is happening. The alarm caused by the spectrum of artificial intelligence is a symptom of the bewilderment they feel. Although many fear that AI eliminates a multitude of well -paid jobs, as the automation has already done with those of those who worked in factories, with few exceptions give a discounted that it would be useless to try to keep it at bay.
In North America and Europe, the most hit political parties by technological advances have been those that formed when democratic socialism variants created benefactor states that worked very well. In the last years, the Democratic Party in the United States, the Labor in the United Kingdom – who, after a year in power, is in danger of disintegrating -, the German Social Democratic Party and many others have been abandoned by the working class that had previously been faithful to them. Traditional conservatives have not gone much better. The same as Mauricio Macri’s pro, they are considered too warm for the times or, what is equally hurtful, as collaborationists of a technocratic left of elitist instincts.
A consequence of the existential crisis that the old “moderate” parties are suffering has been the emergence of extravagant characters such as Donald Trump and Javier Milei who swore exactly what needs to be done so that politics is put back at the service of the common man. Although the recipes they offer seem new, they are based on nostalgia, on the notion that it is necessary to return half a century or more, until before their respective societies, they chose the course that would lead them to the place where they are currently. Thus and all, the one that the improvised formula for Milei seems to be radically different from all the rehearsed has allowed him to be erected in a world star of the so -called “ultra -right” that is leading the rebellion against a status quo that in the opinion of many people is unsustainable.
As it could not be otherwise, the multiple foreign failures have greatly influenced Argentine politics. Just a couple of decades ago, it was reasonable to assume that it would be worth learning from the experience of others to replicate here, with some modifications, a allegedly successful “model” in another part of the world. However, although with some frequency, admiring allusions to the “Scandinavian model” can still be heard, at this point what is not happening in Sweden, where citizens are paying a very high price for the errors made by central governments convinced that cultural differences lacked importance. Bad that many local politicians weigh, it is no longer easy for them to find socioeconomic “models” that could help them.
The saying says that in the kingdom of the blind the one -eyedness is king. Although the vision or, if preferred, Milei’s worldview is strikingly limited, in the eyes of many remains the only politician who seems to know what will have to be done to improve the state of the country, which gives him an advantage that is not willing to miss. As key elections approach, it is confident that the confusion prevailing in the opposition ranks to sink the opponents of their project, in addition to ensuring that, until further notice, its ideological allies of the PRO, the UCR and some Peronist fragments are subjectly submitted to the rushed whip of sister Karina.
And after the elections in which, if the surveys are right, the freedom progresses will see its parliamentary representation? According to the optimists, Milei will calm down because it would be of interest to expand the movement that he heads, which is why he should assume a friendlier position in the face of those willing to help him without accepting being treated as pleading pedigents. However, he wants the majority to continue taking him for the exclusive owner of the drastic reforms program, but in the opinion of many necessary, who has launched, hence his own will, and even more that of Karina, to prevent Macri from sharing copyright.
For now, this strategy has been quite successful, since the macristas give a discounted that Kirchnerism is much more dangerous than mileism and therefore they have chosen to withstand with stoicism the cataracts of rude insults that the president utters them when in his opinion they deviate from the line that goes down. With everything, if the feeling that society has begun to get tired of the vulgar eccentricity of who, after all, is the first president, many will begin to move away from him, which would endanger not only his own predominance but also the perspectives before the national economy in a turbulent world.
For now, the main political battle is the one that the Government is fighting against the viscerally committed to the old populist and corporatist order that prevailed in the country before the second round of the presidential elections of 2023. In this fight, Milei has an advantage that could be decisive: the non -merely verbal violence of its Kirchner archnesons. In addition to the patoterism of young women of La Cámpora, officials of the Municipality of Quilmes who, like a band of enraged ménades, covered withs the house of the Mileista deputy José Luis Espert and continued to mistreat him in Congress, men of the same faction are in legal distress for having caused destruction, a month earlier, in the headquarters of two television channels of the Clarín group. However unfortunate the sewage rhetoric of certain mileists is, starting with Milei himself, is harmless compared to the physical violence of the most exalted Kirchners.
To justify their nothing democratic behavior, the quilmeñas who squeeze with Espert insist that what they want most is that Cristina is released from her home arrest and that annoying ankle. They are not formed that, for indignation of prosecutors who would like to see her punished by the many acts of corruption in which she participated, the former president has arranged them to take advantage of the amazingly permissive regime she has touched her to set up a show, of international repercussions, which has allowed her to continue being the boss not only spiritual of Peronism. It would be assumed that Milei likes the refusal to leave the public stage of the “successful lawyer”, since it is his favorite opponent, but there is no doubt that he disturbs power investors who suspect that the country is going through an atypical phase after which he will return to the traces.
If Cristina is forced to move from San José 1111 2nd D to a common prison or, perhaps, to her Patagonian redoubt in the cafate, Milei will concentrate on trying to demolish Axel Kicillof. In good logic, it should not be difficult, since the former Minister of Economy was responsible for the fabulously clumsy appropriation of YPF in which the luxury of manifesting his contempt for the legal details was made for the legal details, in such a way to provide a New York judge an additional reason to demand that Argentina deliver approximately 17 billion dollars to a law firm of American lawyers and, it seems, to relatives of the newly deceased businessman Enrique Eskenazi, that famous “expert in regulated markets.” Thus and all, the one that despite such false steps, Kicillof has managed to erect himself in one of the most powerful characters in the country and has been able to break with Cristina, his protector, suggests that, when it is about Peronism, the logic is the least.
Although the Kirchnerists are still the most fanatized enemies of the attempt to restructure the economy and, with it, society, in the long run they could do more to stop it those who, in general terms, are in favor of the reforms but do not want to appear among those injured. Many governors, including some who have helped Milei by asking legislators to answer them to support their measures, believe that they have already done enough and that the time has come to receive something positive in return. Likewise, the “mandriles”, “ñoños”, victims of “mental parasites” and others that at any time could feel so fed up of being white of the presidential abuse that decide to abandon it to their fate, which could only influence the climate of opinion both here and in places like New York. Milei has been able to get his way because few forget what was happening when Cristina, Alberto Fernández and Sergio Massa were in charge of the country. By getting back in time that past, continuing to manufacture pretexts to oppose it is a luxury that could cost him very expensive.
