He February 21, 2018 A massive demonstration occupied Avenida 9 de Julio, in a mobilization led by Hugo Moyanothen leader of the truckers union, against what they described as the economic adjustment plan of the government of Mauricio Macrilinked to subsidy cuts, a fall in purchasing power and austerity policies required by the agreement with the International Monetary Fund. The march, known as “21F”gathered between 400,000 and 500,000 people in the capital and was replicated in dozens of cities in the country, with flags of unions, political parties and social organizations that demanded to stop the reforms that they perceived as an attack on employment and workers’ rights.
The protest was articulated by Moyano and other union leaders who denounced the loss of real salaries, the increase in public service rates and job insecurity. From early on, columns of workers marched under slogans such as “No to the adjustment” and “Let’s defend Argentine labor,” in a climate of social discontent that in those days extended beyond the union core, crossing sectors of the left and community organizations. The speakers delivered a harsh discourse against the government’s economic management and called for structural changes in official policies.
Surprisingly, one of those present was Javier Mileiwho at that time was a regular economist on television panels. The media influencer He participated in the march alongside Moyano and other sectors of the left. “The reason why I come to the march is because this Government (Macri’s) wants to reproduce what the fascist State of the 1930s was. Where it was an alliance between politicians and businessmen, who left out the workers. That is what this Government is trying to do,” I highlight who years later would be president.
These television statements, especially in the current context, were viralized in various media and social networks as an unusual episode. In those audiovisual records broadcast on digital channels and platforms, Milei accused Macri’s government of trying to favor big businessmen to the detriment of workers, a position that contrasted with his subsequent political evolution.
In the same month, but almost 8 years later, the 24-hour national strike against labor reform measures, promoted by the government led by Milei. lto a strong response from the unions and working sectors, many united in the General Confederation of Labor (CGT), called for a measure of force coinciding with the day in which the Chamber of Deputies debates the project that had already obtained half a sanction in the Senate. The union representatives argued that the official initiative implies a regression of historical labor rights and would aggravate the already delicate situation of formal employment in the country, with the loss of jobs and the closure of emblematic companies such as the Fate tire factory.
Support for the strike was widespread. In addition to the main transport unions – such as the Automotive Tram Union (UTA)the Railway Union and the aeronautical unions—various union branches from the public, services and industry sectors joined. The CGT indicated that the stoppage would affect the majority of the lines of buses, trains, subways, flights, banks and waste collectiondeeply affecting the daily lives of millions of people throughout the national territory.
He national governmentfor its part, rejected characterizing the initiative as an attack on workers’ rights and ratified its position that the reform is necessary to modernize the Argentine labor market. Furthermore, regarding the strike, it repeated its policy of “day not worked, day not paid” for public employees who join the strike without work justification.
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