In Argentine politics there are symbols that become ghosts. One of them is the “helicopter”the image of the early output of Fernando de la Rúa In December 2001, turned into myth of the “Peronist Resistance” when the one who governs is another.
That ghost became a flag of Kirchnerism in the last week, after Javier Milei’s defeat in the province of Buenos Aires and the aggravation of the political and economic crisis.
The speech emerged from marginal voices within the space, true. The “Tirabombas “of Kirchnerism They serve to mud, even stain the victory of Axel Kicillof in the intern with Cristina Kirchner, and cut the presidential projection of the governor who now seeks to show centrist focus on management.
Sergio BerniBuenos Aires Senator and former security minister, was the first to suggest that if Milei “It does not change, society is going to throw it away”. In his analysis, the libertarian government is exhausted, lost social trust and can hardly be sustained until 2027.
The Tucuman senator Sandra Mendoza It was even more blunt: “I don’t think this government reaches October 26. They have already released their hand all.”. Amado Boudou was added to the list in the uncover, who risked an even more limited prognosis: “This sooner rather than late, March at most”. And, as against the lawyer, the lawyer appeared Carlos Maslatón In tune with Mendoza, to replicate with irony: “The thing is before October 26, not after”.
The “helicopter” becomes an explicit desire for a sector of Kirchnerism, which bets on a collapse early as a political shortcut. But This preaching reveals internal tensions: While some stir the collapse, others try to build an alternative power project for 2027 that can overcome the coup band that shakes the replacement when it does not dominate.
The contrast with Axel Kicillof
At this point it arises Axel Kicillof. The Buenos Aires governor was the great winner of local legislative and strengthened his presidential aspiration. Now he seeks to show himself as a moderate leader, capable of expanding towards the center and dialogue with economic and political sectors that until recently distrusted him. In fact, He has come to recognize that he has no plans to break with the International Monetary Funda gesture of pragmatism that is not seen in hard Kirchnerism.
However, from their environment they regret that voices of their own space stir the ghost of the helicopter. The reason is simple: while Kicillof tries to show presidentwith focus on management and governance, the hard wing of Kirchnerism pushes it towards a dismissal strategy that reinforces polarization and feeds the libertarian narrative of the “soft blow”. The dilemma is clear: does Peronism bet to consolidate a leadership by 2027 or He takes refuge in the fantasy of an anticipated end where he can win the “Jacobina” wing of Juan Graboois With the support of CFK?
The ruling: self -criticism and limits
On the other hand, the libertarian government admits the impact of the electoral setback. Interior Minister, Guillermo Francoshe recognized in dialogue with Clarín that the defeat in Buenos Aires was “A thump” and that adds to other legislative strokes. In his self -criticism, he pointed out the lack of appropriate technical and political paintings to sustain management: “It happened to us that we had neither the technical cadres nor the appropriate politicians to sustain the government”.
Francos also admitted that the decision not to add the Pro to the cabinet was a mistake. “We have not been able to combine political wills”, He pointed out, leaving the door open to an extension of the government base. In practice, that means recognizing that the libertarian experiment lacks the necessary structure to govern alone and that the support of macrismo is vital if Milei wants to avoid a shipwreck.
The ruling party also tries to show unity and resistance. After the blow, Milei promoted the creation of political tables and federal to articulate with governors, although distrust and internal tensions persist. The strategy is clear: to transmit that the president is still in command in the middle of the crisis, while seeking to “surf” the public pressure without disarming his economic adjustment line.
Soft blow or wear strategy?
The approach of an anticipated ending is inserted in an institutional fragility scenario. From the ruling party there is already talk of A “soft blow”a strategy that combines social mobilization, media operations (include the audios of Spagnoulo and some tuned economic metrics) and political pressures to weaken the government without the need for a formal break.
The truth is that, in parallel, Peronism navigates its own dilemma: if it bets on consolidating leaders such as Kicillof, with a vocation of governance, or if it takes refuge in The epic of the resistance and waiting for the helicopter. In the background, the discussion reveals a dispute over the soul of space: among those who imagine the exit of Milei as a prelude to a rapid return and those who understand that only with management and moderation can offer a real alternative in 2027.
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