“The political issue is handled by my sister. With Guillermo Francos and Santiago Caputo, they deal with the political issue (…) Marra was disconnected from space, so they executed it. They say my sister has a guillotine and yes: uses it when someone moves away from what the space defines “, acknowledged today Javier Milei In an interview with Antonio Laje on his return to the A24 screen.
The president spoke about how his sister imposes authority, in tune with the most recent news cover: “Karinus”. It is that if there is an image that synthesizes the power of Karina Milei within the government, it is that of the thumb down.
While President Javier Milei is recognized by his pose with the two thumbs above, his sister has become the executor of internal purges, to the point that in his circle he already compares it with a Modern Robespierre. The metaphor is not accidental: the terror regime that dominated the French Revolution finds echoes in the driving method that the Secretary General of the Presidency imposes on the Government.
It’s not just a nickname. It is the president himself who acknowledges that it is Karina who handles politics within the administration, together with Guillermo Francos and Santiago Caputo. What happened with Nicolás Posse It is proof of this. Former Cabinet Chief and for years one of Milei’s few friends, he ended up ejected from the government in the worst way: publicly humiliated, none in meetings and finally ignored at the ceremony of May 25. Posse’s political execution is just one among many.
Fear dominates official offices. Ministers and officials fear being the next in the list of discarded. Purges follow each other regularly: In the first six months of government, 32 officials were firedan average of a decline every five days. Guillotine does not discriminate: from ministers to second -line advisors, all are under the relentless look of Karina Milei.
The posse case is not the only example of this modus operandi. Guillermo Ferraro, former Minister of Infrastructure, was accused of filtering information that he had not leaked. Osvaldo Giordano, former director of the ANSES, learned of his dismissal for a tweet from the president. Omar Yasín, former secretary of Labor, saw his output announced live by Milei on television. Historical allies, such as Ramiro Marra and Oscar Zagosuffered the destroy of the libertarian dome.
The logic of purges is clear: loyalty is absolute or the fall is immediate. Karina Milei not only delay officials, but ensures that her farewells are public and humiliating, A message for those who remain. Its influence is not limited to the daily administration: it already works on the consolidation of its own power within the libertarian space, with an eye on the 2025 elections and, beyond, in the possibility of a Milei-Milei formula in 2027.
Hermeticism and paranoia reinforce fear. Few access the president, whose agenda is increasingly opaque. The list of visitors to Olivos reveals that most ministers do not step on the presidential residence. Cabinet meetings have become sporadic and the distance between Milei and his team is extended. Meanwhile, treason suspicions float in the air. Any filtration, any minimum gesture out of place can be interpreted as an attempt to conspira.
Karina Milei has turned terror into a state policy. Public humiliation, permanent purge and systematic distrust are the rules governing the libertarian administration. In a government that considers itself revolutionary, The president’s sister has become the guardian of orthodoxy. And his thumb down continues to decide who survives and who falls.
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