More than a decade ago Cambiemos brought his political and communicational logic to the stage.
The party that was born and grew in the City of Buenos Aires did not build political representation from the offer, giving shape to organized demands, but rather thought of politics as the response to individual demands or discomforts.
For this logic to be made visible at the national level, it was necessary to understand in great detail who had to be spoken to and how to do it.
With the arrival of Mauricio Macri to the City government and with the rise of social networks, the segmentation of political messages became fashionable. As with a tailored suit, Cambiemos built in the Argentina of this centurycapillaryly, the political logic of individual demand.
They talked to some about luminaries, to others about dog waste, depending on the neighborhood, depending on the ideological profile more or less close to the government. In the same way that brands do, It was about going to look for the consumers of that capillary message within the Trojan horse of their political ideology.
Once the public was defined, for each demand of that public there was a response and if there was no response there was at least one coffee.
From an ideological position but keeping in mind that there was no need to talk about ideology, as I said Jaime Duran Beard, it was also about increasing the emotional availability of political consumers. Showing, for example, as Macri did at his inauguration, a friendly little dog occupying the presidential chair.
Just as Perón in the last century built a new political identity through the organized demand of the workers, full of his own symbols and stagings that could not go unnoticed, Let’s change, dancing to the rhythm of the timeswith precarious, unemployed workers, perhaps has finished retracing that path of popular organization.
Macrismo did not generate a strong political identity. In fact, if you look at the polls, in the cleavage of the crack, Kirchnerism and anti-Kirchnerism still today continue to weigh more than Macrismo-antimacrismo. The centripetal force, what generates identity within the crack, was always Kirchnerism.
However, perhaps due to the changes in the social structure itself, the logic of representation and communication of the entire political arc in recent years seems to have been influenced by that of Cambiemos.
With the leadership more weakened, the politicians of the majority parties seemed to be increasingly forced to determine their agendas in relation to the demand that appeared in the polls, running back to the issues to go and win back their lost audiences. Looking to attract your consumers.
Even Peronism, which was always the party of symbolic construction, the one that operated in relation to the political and social organization to build its offer, seemed to be forced to play with the same logic.
The appearance of Javier Milei came to question that paradigm by introducing a new language into the discussion from political supply, and not from demand.
Just as Kirchnerism at the time arrived with its words under its arm, no one spoke about caste or dollarization in Argentina until before Milei’s arrival.
Hand in hand with that disruptive logic of the above, Milei’s vote does not respond to a single social or political sector either., but seems to compose a different repertoire. More to the right of the ideological spectrum, but not only. From a public with hard positions but at the same time in many cases far from a full understanding of what this new political offer means.
If this is the incipient construction of a new political subjectivity, it is still too early to know. For now it seems that on this occasion it was through political supply and not only through demand, the way to create a new type of voter.
*Julieta Waisgold, political communication consultant.
by Julieta Waisgold
