Mauricio Macri He returned to the scene, but not from a lectern or at a negotiation table: he did it from an electronic party. On Saturday night, the former president appeared at the VIP show Hernán Cattáneo in Ciudad Universitaria, a territory more associated with youth culture than with political liturgy. He arrived accompanied by Gustavo Arribas and the businessman Alejandro Macfarlanand moved naturally between lights, beats and discreet conversations.
It was not a casual presence. Macri has been building, since his separation of Juliana Awadaa different narrative: looser, more nocturnal, even more performative. That night he had his symbolic gesture. He took a photo with a tarot card in his hand —“The devil”—, shared by the artist Maria Baylac. The phrase that accompanied the scene, “I get my power back”finished closing the painting.
A post by Valentina Etu interpreted the scene in a political key: the letter does not refer to a “curse”, but to an opportunity for transformation. “The loose chains,” he summarized, as a metaphor for a leadership that can emancipate itself from the libertarian umbrella when it decides. Did Macri’s chain come off?. The image, between the playful and the symbolic, ended up functioning as an involuntary message about the political moment of the former president.
The night chronicle connects seamlessly with the daytime agenda. In parallel to that scene, Macri is preparing to reappear centrally at the Pensar en La Rural Foundation dinner, organized by Maria Eugenia Vidal. It is the repositioning of the ideological laboratory of the PRO, the place where the discourse that later descends into territorial politics is organized.
And this territorial deployment already has dates. On April 17 he will begin his “Próximo Paso NEA” tour“with stops in Chaco and Corrientes. In Resistencia he will share the stage with the governor Leandro Zdero; in Corrientes, will seek to rebuild ties with Gustavo Valdes and its environment. The logic is clear: reweave a network of alliances that allows the PRO to recover its own volume, without being subsumed in La Libertad Avanza.
The strategy, as they admit in their environment, is “from bottom to top”: territorial reconstruction, own candidates in each district and selective agreements with governors who are also beginning to distance themselves from the ruling party. It is, in political terms, an attempt to return to the frontist logic that gave rise to the PRO, but adapted to a new cycle.
In this context, the fall of Manuel Adorni appears as a factor that reconfigures the board. Not only does it encourage Mauricio Macri in his idea of building his own alternative, but it also has a full impact on the City of Buenos Aires. In the PRO environment they repeat a phrase that summarizes the climate: “Today Jorge Macri is re-elected without problems”. The reading is twofold: on the one hand, the cousin of the former president once again grew in the appreciation of the people of Buenos Aires with an axis in the management and in some of the flags of order that he shares with La Libertad Avanza; on the other, libertarian weakness leaves a void. “They were left without a candidate and without a story”They add, convinced that the Buenos Aires scene has reopened.
In that horizon, there are three pieces of information that organize the strategy. The first is the incipient wear and tear of the Milei government in key sectors. In the “street”—middle classes stressed by the adjustment—and in the “establishment”—businessmen who are beginning to demand predictability—the feeling is growing that the economic course should not be reversed, but rather corrected.
The second fact is cultural: Argentine society does not seem to want to go back, but neither does it tolerate permanent volatility. This combination opens space for a more orderly, less disruptive right, something that has already been seen in other countries in the region and in Europe, where after more radical experiences institutionalized conservative options emerged.
The third piece of information is internal: the PRO needs to redefine its identity. For months it oscillated between subordination and irrelevance. Now seeks to become “the next step”as Macri himself said: not a frontal opposition, but not an appendage of the ruling party either. On that board, Macri’s figure is once again central, although not necessarily as a candidate. His environment allows two hypotheses to run: that he competes in 2027 or that he blesses a leader he trusts – names like Jorge Britos appear in that conversation – to embody that synthesis of order, management and predictability.
The Devil’s scene, then, ceases to be anecdotal. It is, in a way, a wink at the dilemma he faces: remaining tied to a political experiment that helped sustain or free yourself to build your own alternative. The photo, with a humorous tone, condenses a real tension. Macri seems to have chosen a middle path: accompany without breaking, but build without depending. In politics, that balance is unstable. But it can also be, if the context is right, the door to return.
Image gallery
