An unexpected novelty emerged in the intricate Argentine political board of 2026: the creation of the bloc “Federal conviction” in the Senate, which emerged as a symbol of the deep fissures within Peronism. Three senators, who respond to three governors who are in good agreement with President Milei, decided to put together an autonomous bloc. The experiment is not as brutal as the radical deputies who last year joined the ranks of La Libertad Avanza and nicknamed “radical wig”but the brand new members of the “Federal Conviction” bloc are already beginning to receive the nickname “peronists wig”.
The “Federal Conviction” bloc is made up of senators Guillermo Andrada, Sandra Mendoza and Carolina Moiseswhich, until recently, were part of the Frente de Todos bloc, dominated by Kirchnerism. Each one responds directly to a Peronist governor who has cultivated a dialogic relationship with the Casa Rosada, prioritizing provincial survival in a context of economic adjustment. Guillermo Andrada, representative of Catamarca, responds to the governor Raúl Jalil, a Peronist who has positioned himself as one of Milei’s “favorites” within the PJ. Jalil, distanced from hard Kirchnerism, has supported key initiatives of the national government, such as labor reform, in exchange for investments in lithium and road works. His behavior with Milei has been one of strategic rapprochement: he participated in meetings with the President, supported projects in Congress and was invited to “Argentina Week” in New York in March 2026, an event to attract foreign capital. Jalil, in his relationship with Milei, has a strong limitation: his wife Silvana Ginocchio is a staunch opponent of the libertarian government. Until December of last year she was a national representative for Catamarca. Although she will no longer be in Congress to make her positions clear and make her husband uncomfortable, the conversation will continue, at least for now, inside her house.
For its part, Sandra Mendozasenator for Tucumán, responds to the governor Osvaldo Jaldowho has shown a dialogue tone with the ruling party, although with nuances. Jaldo supported the labor reform in 2025, arguing the need to “modernize” the laws to generate employment, and has maintained open channels with the Casa Rosada to negotiate co-participation and provincial joint ventures. Jaldo, criticized for the local Mileiism that seeks to challenge Tucumán in 2027, has been accused of opportunism: his support for Milei is framed in the need to sustain Tucumán industrial production in the face of national adjustment, but without completely breaking with traditional Peronism.
Finally, Carolina Moisés, from Jujuy and president of the new bloc, responds to the governor of Salta, Gustavo Saenz, despite not being from the same province, a detail that underlines the regional alliances of the great north. Sáenz, openly confronted with Cristina Kirchner, has toughened his criticism of Kirchnerism, questioning its “authoritarianism” and party interventions in districts such as Salta and Jujuy. His relationship with Milei is one of fluid collaboration: he participated in presidential summits, supported key laws and was invited to international events to promote investments. Sáenz, like Jalil and Jaldo, acts in tandem with other northern governors to negotiate with Balcarce 50, but his motivation lies in attracting funds for infrastructure and mining, not in an ideological adherence to mileism.
Moisés justified his break with the Peronist interbloc by stating: “We cannot continue in this state of not doing, not occupying, not saying and not having responsibility as an opposition.” When analyzing the space crisis, the senator concluded: “We lack seats because people ran away from the axis, because we are not an alternative.”
Allies. Today, the “wig Peronists” orbit closer to the Milei government, driven more by internal partisanship, rejection of Cristina Kirchner’s leadership and provincial economic pressures than by a genuine affinity with Mileist libertarianism. This move, carried out on the eve of the beginning of the legislative year, not only fragments Peronism to its lowest representation in the Senate since 1983, but also generates a whirlwind of controversies and controversies that question ideological loyalty, fiscal opportunism and the future of Justicialism.
To continue adding bad news, Kirchnerism also lost authorities in the Senate. Until last year they had the vice presidency of the Senate, in the hands of Silvia Sapagand this year that place was left for Carolina Moisés. It is common practice for the vice presidency of the Senate to be in the hands of the opposition. During the government of Alberto Fernandez the vice presidents of the Senate were Martin Lousteau first and Carolina Losada after.
Another parliamentary group that will bring joy to the Government is the Impulso País interblock, made up of seven senators, a handful from the PRO, others from the United Provinces and provincial representatives, who decided to sit at the same table at a time when Milei’s ruling party needs votes to reach two-thirds. It is not an ideological block but an operational one: organizing wills, negotiating laws and bringing positions closer together in an increasingly fragmented Chamber. The formal excuse is a “federal and productive vision.” In practice, it functions as a bridge between dialogue-oriented governors and the Casa Rosada. There are three senators from the PRO, Enrique Goerling (Misiones), Andrea Cristina (Chubut) and María Victoria Huala (La Pampa), two from the Provincias Unidas bloc, Alejandra Vigo (Córdoba) and Carlos “Camau” Espínola (Corrientes), and complete Edith Terenzi (Despierta Chubut), who answers to Governor Ignacio Torres (PRO), and Beatriz Ávila (Independencia-Tucumán), former mayor of San Miguel de Tucumán by Cambiemos.
Milei is ecstatic. The time has come for the “wig Peronists.”
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