He is still formally mayor of Antwerp. But the Flemish nationalist has outgrown his status on ‘t Schoon Verdiep, as the administrative wing in Antwerp is called, in just a year. Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever has mainly asserted himself at European level this autumn, and bent Ukraine policy to his will.

At the end of October, he vetoed the use of frozen Russian assets during a summit, and on Thursday night he managed to persuade EU government leaders to take the option of the most resistance: taking out a joint loan for Kyiv, for a total of 90 billion euros.

He countered public opposition from European heavyweight Germany, which wanted to use Russian assets as collateral for a loan. The “tragedy of a political alliance,” says political scientist Steven Van Hecke, affiliated with KU Leuven, NRC. “De Wever and Merz share the same line in almost all areas — strengthening the internal market, stopping deindustrialization, a stricter approach to migration — but now they were directly opposite each other in Brussels.”

De Wever and Chancellor Merz share the same line in almost all domains, but now they were directly opposite each other

Steven Van Hecke
political scientist

A dinner two weeks ago between Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Chancellor Friedrich Merz and De Wever regarding the ‘Euroclear’ file did not help. De Wever continued to consistently point out the financial, legal and political risks of using frozen Russian assets. An attitude that was initially not appreciated by him, in both international politics and the media.

The political news medium Politico published an article in early December with the headline ‘How Bart De Wever became Russia’s greatest asset‘. The site opened on Friday morning with the piece ‘How Bart De Wever managed to beat the EU machine‘. It outlines the diplomatic skills of De Wever, who, according to Flemish media, succeeded as a “smart negotiator” and managed to get his point across. In the words of Politico: “De Wever’s combativeness is a victory for the anti-establishment politician” — the man who tells it like it is.

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Doubter

When you think of ‘anti-establishment’ in Europe, you quickly think of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. But while his unconstructive attitude stems from “principled resistance”, De Wever has always maintained a pro-Ukraine line, political scientist Van Hecke looks back. “De Wever never doubted a pro-European, pro-Ukrainian objective, but he did doubt the way in which that objective should be achieved.”

According to Van Hecke, this was also “very difficult” for the Belgian Prime Minister himself. Although he does not come across that way on the European stage, De Wever portrays himself as a doubter. “There are few people who doubt as often and as fundamentally as I do,” he says in the biography BDW (2025).

His demonstrated obstinacy reinforces his belief in the (moral) wrongness of the Russia route. He showed himself politically flexible by deviating from his own N-VA election programme. It mentions an explicit ‘opposition to European debts’. Nevertheless, De Wever suggested a joint EU loan as an acceptable alternative to the Russian assets.

His opposition to the use of the frozen assets was – in addition to the well-publicized financial and legal risks – reinforced by the hybrid threat that Belgium, and Europe in a broader sense, faced in September and October. The Belgian security services attributed the large-scale cyber attacks and drone provocations to Russia. According to Van Hecke, it is “no coincidence” that there have been no drone attacks in recent months. “In the eyes of Russia — which defined the use of the frozen assets as ‘theft’ — Belgium became an objective ally.”

‘Black humor’

De Wever himself remains sober about it, although the criticism that he is an asset of Russia did not leave him cold. At the press conference at the European summit on the night from Thursday to Friday, he responded to questions from a journalist Politico. “Ah, you have published some nice articles, with some nice titles!” He then answered the questions, but he couldn’t resist an aside: “Now I have to go to my dacha in St. Petersburg.”

Van Hecke: “With his black humor he feels like a fish in water in international politics, he likes to play the game.” Belgium, which, according to insiders, sometimes suffers from a Calimero syndrome [als klein jongetje in de grote EU-klas]now feels seen and respected. The ‘paterfamilias’, as De Wever is described in the Belgian media, is celebrated as a “victor”, according to Van Hecke. De Wever has – with the Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni as ‘kingmaker‘ at his side – upholding European morals.

Now I have to go to my dacha in St. Petersburg

Bart De Wever
Prime Minister Belgium

The joking words he said in the run-up to the European summit in October, when he was still alone in his position, have therefore proven to be prophetic in nature. „Ceci n’est pas une confiscation”. The EU will continue, at least for the time being, to live within the lines of its own rules, without seizing funds that are not its own.

It was not the first time that De Wever rebuked the journalists who predicted the end of his political career. After falling far behind in the polls, he managed to rise above all other parties with the N-VA in 2024. Now he has shown that the larger, international stage also suits him. Al warns Politico De Wever again, based on conversations with diplomats: the Belgian Prime Minister should not count on too many favors in Europe in the near future.

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The journalistic principles of NRC

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