The only thread that kept peace between Kirchnerism and Axel Kicillof vanished. After the campaign, and with a crushing defeat in the elections, the fury is no longer contained. Peronism is experiencing a fierce internal situation.
The trigger for the fight to reach the surface and be exposed to the eyes of the country was a letter from Cristina Kirchner blaming Kicillof for the defeat, the fault of the split. That the president of the PJ spoke publicly in this way enabled everyone to give their opinion. The party’s crisis is no longer hidden. Peronism is in reality show mode.
The battle.
True to his style, the governor of Buenos Aires did not come out to respond to Cristina. But in those around them they revealed the annoyance they feel at the permanent attacks they receive from Kirchnerism.
How to respond without directly confronting Cristina? They organized the presentation of the 2026 Budget at the Government House of La Plata with the presence of the Buenos Aires mayors, legislators and union members. A sign of who has the real power.
The internal fight was the main topic of conversation among all attendees. The most vehement believe that it is time for Kicillof to break: that it will be the only way to guide the party and begin to build his path towards the presidential candidacy. Those who know the governor best consider that this is impossible, that it is not his style and even less against Cristina: that he would never dare to retire her. Axel is at a crossroads.
To make matters worse, he now needs the support of La Cámpora in the Legislature to approve the Budget law. There it will be evident how damaged the internal link is. If they do not accompany, the tension will be unbearable. Kicillof has the support of the Renewal Front. In fact, Sergio Massa is working to achieve consensus also with opposition deputies to get the law passed. The dilemma is what the legislators who respond to Kirchnerism will do.
The origin.
Cristina’s letter after the election result fell like a bucket of cold water. “All the Peronist governors (Ziliotto of La Pampa, Quintela of La Rioja, Jalil of Catamarca, Jaldo of Tucumán, Insfrán of Formosa) won in these parliamentary elections,” the former president wrote from her apartment, where she is under house arrest. And he added: “The exception of what happened in the Province of Buenos Aires is due to a political error when the electoral strategy was wrong, deciding to split.”
Minister Andrés Larroque asked Cristina for “humility.” “You must plan your run as the only authorized voice,” he said. The mayor of Salto, Ricardo Alessandro, accompanied: “I want Axel as president, but with Máximo and La Cámpora at his side I don’t think it is drinkable.”
In the flurry of opinions generated by the former president’s letter, Máximo came out to defend her. “They hold Cristina responsible and they hide when the results go wrong,” he criticized Kicillof and company. In another section of the speech he gave in Quilmes, he crossed them again: “It is shameful to see colleagues who blame a woman who cannot leave her house, while those who can, hide.”
The truth is that Kicillof was the one who took the microphone in the Peronist bunker after the shocking defeat on October 26. He said that La Libertad Avanza had beaten them “by a very tight margin.” But while he was giving his speech, many noticed Maximus, standing behind him, who was grimacing, not very convinced by the governor’s words.
Máximo raised his profile to confront Kicillof. And it is no coincidence: Cristina’s son wants to continue leading the Buenos Aires PJ and his mandate expires on December 18. Near Kicillof they want to dispute the place.
The announcement about the party elections was made for November. But in the midst of this crisis, they consider that it is not the best time to submit to the vote. There are two paths: a group of leaders who believe that it must be done in March, with calmer spirits. Others consider that, given the prior notification that they were going to take place at the end of the year, there is no choice but to make it happen. They indicate that, legally, there is no extension of an electoral mandate and that it could even lead to the intervention of the party.
The situation is far from being that of four years ago. When Máximo took over as president of the Buenos Aires PJ, he only had the opposition of Fernando Gray, Esteban Echeverría’s mayor. At the end of the mandate, the consensus on his leadership is much more debated. The confrontation between Kicillof and Cristina also weakens him.
The other problem for the PJ is that the disorder is replicated in the provinces. Except where there are Peronist governors, and therefore the real power keeps them aligned, in the rest it is difficult to achieve district unity if the national leadership is not clear.
With the relationship bogged down, Justicialism is barely staying afloat by force of slaps. The discussion has been the same for years: who should manage the party, Cristina or Kicillof. The only positive fact is that, even with the relationship broken, the parties understand that they cannot be left out of the PJ. That the solution is in the game. Peronism is in a reed version: it continues to bend, but it does not break.
