Axel Kicillof He decided to take the campaign on his shoulders. Just days before the national legislative elections, the Buenos Aires governor abandoned the institutional tone and threw himself fully into the political arena with a message that seeks to polarize: the contrast between a financial model—that of Javier Milei and Luis Caputor—and a productive one, the one claimed by the provincial management. In interview with Mauro Federico in Wake Up by Delta 90.3Kicillof consolidated an economic and political opposition profile that places him as the main figure in the opposition arc.
In that dialogue, the governor left a phrase that spread throughout the country:
“Milei’s macro is great for JP Morgan, but not for the Costa hotel, which produces, for the people who can’t make ends meet and go into debt with the card.”
The text summarizes its communication strategy: linking the Government’s economic policy to the interests of international financial capital at a time when the Casa Rosada seeks to show itself aligned with the White House. Kicillof tries to recover the flag of economic sovereignty for Peronism, repositioning his figure as the antithesis of the Milei-Caputo binomial.
A governor in a national key
Although his name does not appear on Sunday’s ballots, Kicillof is playing hard. His image—more stable and with a better evaluation than that of the national ruling party—became the central asset of the Peronist campaign. In events, tours and in the note with Delta 90.3, he combined economic criticism with the enumeration of achievements: roads, routes, housing, sanitation, hydraulic defenses.
He cited specific examples: Luján and La Plata, where provincial works prevented new floodsand White Baywhere he demands that the Nation resume the postponed water projects. “Public works are not expenses, they are investments that save lives”, he insisted.
The contrast is deliberate. While Milei exhibits surpluses and celebrates the confidence of the markets, Kicillof maintains that “fiscal balance is useless if people cannot eat“His speech seeks to establish that the adjustment is not an economic plan but a demolition of the State.
“He has had us crossing the desert for two years”
The interview with Mauro Federico allowed him to refine his symbolic register. In a flat tone, Kicillof diagnosed:
“Milei has had us crossing the desert for two years and gives anchovies to people.”
The phrase, half denunciation and half sarcasm, with reference to the messianism of Milei, who compares himself to Moses (and his crossing of the desert that lasted 40 years), summarizes his view on an economy that, as he said, “It is dry, without credit, without consumption and without hope“The governor tries to break the libertarian story of austerity as a virtue: for him, sacrifice does not redeem, it only impoverishes.”The industry is stopped, and in the province there is despair about what is going to happen this summer”, he warned.
In its analysis, the official discourse converts deprivation into merit. Kicillof, on the other hand, tries to reinstate the idea of well-being as a right, not a privilege.
Caputo and the “money table”
The central target of his criticism was the Minister of Economy. “They are turning the Ministry into a money table“, he said, accusing Caputo of managing for the markets. The accusation is not accidental: it evokes the battle that Kicillof waged in 2014 against vulture funds and allows him to be consistent in his rejection of financialization. “The problem is not the political caste, but the financial caste that governs from the shadows”he added.
The governor reinforced the message with a list of names and careers: “Francos entered the State the year I was born, 1971, and never stopped. He went through all the political signs. More chaste than Caputo? His fortune multiplied.” And he finished with irony: “The lioness, the lion, the cat… We come down a path of ineffective felines.”
Trump, meat and double misfortune
In Wake UpKicillof extended the analysis to the international front. He questioned the recent statements of Donald Trump — who assured that “Argentina is dying” and promised to buy meat — and explained how these phrases affect local prices.
“Trump says he is going to buy Argentine meat, increases 8% in butcher shops; Then one of his officials says that he is not going to buy because he has foot and mouth disease, but here the meat is not going down again. It’s a double misfortune.”
The reference was not coincidental: the governor sought to show that Milei’s foreign policy does not generate concrete benefits, but rather volatility and dependence. He even cited criticism from Bloomberg and the Financial Times in support of your vision.
Countercurrent campaign
Kicillof chose to remain on the front line when many governors and other Peronist figures prefer silence (the main Fuerza Patria candidates for example). His prominence responds both to the need to support the Buenos Aires Peronist vote and to a calculation of national projection. In the radio note with Mauro Federico he recalled the September result: “September was a surprise, the polls gave us losers. Society valued a government that, with the limitations that the province has, did.”
That notion of “doing” is the basis of his final message:
“We do not lie, it is better to say than to do. We don’t insult, we don’t yell, we don’t make fools of ourselves. I have a lot of hobbies, but I don’t ask people to see me on stage.”
The closure was, once again, pure contrast: in front of the chainsaw, public work; in front of JP Morgan, national production; against debt, sovereignty. Just days before the polls, Axel Kicillof acts as spokesperson for a Peronism that is trying to rebuild its identity from the largest province in the country.
by RN
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