The meeting between Javier Milei and Donald Trump lasted less than two minutes. The official video showed a brief greeting, an exchange of papers and the confusion of the former US president, who believed that in Argentina an executive was voted and not a legislative. Despite its transience and the informality of the scene, the meeting was decisive for Milei, which sought political and financial oxygen in the midst of the economic crisis and its inmates.
The government had been considering for months the option to resort to Washington, but the electoral defeat in Buenos Aires accelerated the times. Milei eliminated retentions to try to add reservations and, in parallel, raised the phone to ask for help from “Uncle Sam.” The gesture was read as a drowned swipe.
The relationship between the two has a history: from the support that Trump gave to Milei when he broke into politics to the long -awaited meeting in 2023, his presence in the CPAC and the adoption of a global right -wing agenda. The Libertarian’s chainsaw transformed into a shared icon, replicated even by Elon Musk and Ecuadorian Daniel Noboa.
The recent trip was crossed by the figure of the lobbist Leonardo Scatturice, a partner of the TACTIC firm, hired by the SIDE to make efforts in the US together with Barry Bennett, Trump’s strategist. Both were in the initial contacts with Santiago Caputo and were key in the landing of Treasury Secretary Scott Besent in Buenos Aires. Bennett’s support paved the land for the political and financial support that Milei exhibits today.
In parallel, the disputes multiply within the government for the authorship of the agreement. Caputo is awarded success as a “farewell gift”, while Gerardo Werthein seeks to recover prominence after the fiasco of the frustrated meeting in April. The background is the imminent restructuring of the cabinet after the legislative and the possibility of an advance of driving macrismo.
The real impact came with Besent’s ads: a US $ 20,000 million swap, bond purchases and even a stand-by loan. The reaction was immediate: the country risk fell, the dollar lowered and bonuses and shares rose. It is a historical support, comparable only with the bailouts of Mexico in 1995 and Uruguay in 2002, although on a much higher scale and with a more complex geopolitical background.
Trump seeks to consolidate regional influence against Lula, Buric, Petro and Maduro, and containing the progress of China, which already has a strong presence in the Argentine economy. The wink to Milei fits that continental security strategy.
In the Red Circle the idea of dollarizing was again installed. Emilio Ocampo reappeared publicly and a group of businessmen presses the president to advance. Although for now they are rumors, the issue returned to the table after visiting Trump.
The problem is that, beyond the American support, the Argentine economy still does not take off. The legislative elections are approaching and Milei will need much more than photos, tweets and promises to overcome the greatest political challenge of his career.
