Santiago Caputo, the Government’s star advisor, lives sensations found. At times, its confidants tell, it is furious with what happens in the surroundings of Javier Milei, that is, everything that he cannot control. And on other occasions, when it gives up, anger gives way to the deepest depression: it feels helpless, frustration for not being able to change the course of the ship, discouragement for no longer to influence the president as he did before. The last advice that sold him, to moderate his inflamed speech in that remembered national chain in which Milei lowered his chainsaw and promised that suddenly there would be money for retirees, the disabled and the public university, lasted what a sigh. A few days later, the libertarian was already campaigning again and with the usual aggressiveness, insulting journalism and the “Kukas.” So you can’t.
Caputo’s terminal disenchantment with the government has to do with the lack of reaction that blames Milei. It is true that it was the self -defined “Magician of the Kremlin” who was in charge of the cultural battle of the libertarians, but as it is, above all, a consultant and not a militant, he knows how to recognize the limits of reality and act accordingly. The electoral sake in the province meant a very precise limit to the cultural battle and showed that the social mood is too loud for that provocative speech. That is why his advice was to lower three changes. And Milei, we said, tried to listen to him, but immediately he was Milei again. That is, someone who cannot change, who does not recognize the limits, who before a defeat redouble the bet and before a curve only atine to accelerate. And that Milei that Caputo himself helped to consolidate in his time of glory is the one that now, when the hundred changed, he no longer manages to deactivate. The experiment got out of control.
The other reason why Caputo is furious and at the same time depressed is because they did not pay attention to the request to oxygenate the government after Buenos Aires defeat and the scandal of the coimas, which required them to roll some heads to decompress. Caputo pointed out as “fuses” the cousins Menem, Martín and “Lule”, and for a moment he seemed to convince the president. But sister Karina, the main support of the Menem, decided to stay. Milei proposes, but she provides. He has the government’s command and is tired of what he considers that they are Caputo intrigues against him. When the advisor requested places on the electoral lists for his own, he did not get none. When he asked to throw the Menem, they ignored him. When he advised to moderate the president’s speech, the idea was dismantled by his own weight.
How not to get angry? How not to get depressed?
Let’s end a small anecdote that involves a news journalist, Juan Luis González, the president’s unofficial biographer. In the hours after the Buenos Aires hecatombe, when Caputo pushed hard for the Menem to leave the ship and most of the national media already announced that outcome, González allowed to doubt that in a tweet: Karina was the one that took the decisions, he warned, so the difficult Riojans would leave.
When that augury was confirmed, one of Caputo’s main collaborators wrote to the journalist to understand. “Why are they like that?” He asked, evicted. He no longer understood the internal logic of the government in which he works.
Caputo is equally evicted. That is why the countdown to departure began.
