In Argentine politics there were always celebrities to add prestige. What surrounds today Javier Milei It is something else: a bizarre cast that mixes Tiktokers and militant youtubers, streamers that jump to candidacies, recycled TV panelists and pop figures with a show of entertainment; More cosplay and convention aesthetics than solemnity or political history. And many of them are shown with the president in the fifth of Olivos, in their most difficult hours. It is your private freak show. This troupe does not seek cultural prestige as in previous governments: seeks impact, noise and viral material to feed the campaign machinery.

Within that digital device, who organizes the short and youth language is responsible for the presidential Tiktok, Iñaki Gutiérreznicknamed “La Pepona” for her wrist resemblance. He said he does not charge the State, fact that the ruling party uses to present it as a volunteer militant. But its passage through official areas left failures: use of institutional accounts for personal publications-a New Year’s greeting with its own photo-, accidental exhibition of the Wi-Fi password of a security command and a video that treated as “rubble” the stones in tribute to victims of COVID-19. From those episodes, functions were bounded. He continues in Tiktok -where his format yields -but was a witness of an effective communication to viralize and fragile for institutional standards.

The crossing with the world of streaming is seen in the trajectory of Sergio “Tronco” Figliuolopartner of Neura, who went from the set to the dark room and was 11 in the list of national deputies of La Libertad advances in Buenos Aires. The importation of the logic of the living – Rhythm, controversy, agenda of the day – to the electoral field is faced. It does not arrive as a technical table, but as a hearing operator: capable of holding conversation and pushing issues, its incorporation guarantees volume, conversation and continuous presence in networks.

The pharandulera part appears with Virginia Gallardopresented by Lla as the first candidate for national deputy for Corrientes. His public tour – Marcelo Tinelli’s “dancing” to the remembrance linked to Ricardo Fort – provides immediate recognition: installed name, guaranteed arrival and ease of generating coverage and invitations. In the current ecosystem, where informative consumption goes through panels, clips and thymelines rather than by management reports, what is sought is to convert television notoriety into a vote. The three characters, Gallardo, “Tronco” and Iñaki Gutiérrez, were part of the troupe with which Milei was surrounded in their most aciagas hours in Olivos, on Friday 19 when the dollar shot up and everything was uncertainty, before the salvage of the American treasure.

Masks

The nostalgic record with Karen Reichardt on the Buenos Aires ballot headed José Luis Espet. His presence refers to the TV of the ’90 -including his 1992 Playboy cover and functions as a nostalgic wink. The implicit message is that the ballot can incorporate recognizable period signals even if they do not come from the policy circuit. Training is not promised but memory, scene and a code shared with audiences formed by the open television of that time.

Karen Reinchardt

The most explicit fusion between digital culture and militancy is seen in Lilia Lemoine, from Cosplay, who worked in the image of Milei and today is a deputy. Their interventions usually open intense discussions: their controversial comments on the doctors of the Garrahan, the project of “renunciation of paternity” for men and the defense of the possession of weapons mark their agenda. Around it, the presence of Cosplayers -Superheroes libertarios, flags and symbols- completes a visual language that is repeated in acts. It is not just scenography: it is shared identity, a way of belonging.

The difference with previous governments is not only of names, but of objective. Those decorated sought to add cultural legitimacy in addition. The mileism privilege impact and circulation: influencers, streamers and panelists produce reels, support themes of the day, amplify slogans and populate acts with memorable images. Political communication in the Milei era is handled as content: the scope matters more than the plans, plus the edition than the argument, more convert clicks than debate.

Virginia Gallardo

On October 6, at the Movistar Arena, Milei will present his book “The construction of the miracle.” More than an editorial act, it is a campaign set: stadium scenario, audiovisual registration and the faces of the environment in the same plane. He does not seek to convince undecided, but reinforce identity and recover initiative. In practical terms, it is about producing material for several days of agenda, ordering slogans, repositioning spokesmen and updating the epic of high circulation.

Everything, in addition, in the midst of internal tension between the terminals that respond to Karina Milei and those that report the advisor Santiago Caputo.
There was already an antecedent on Luna Park, with rock show format. Now the scale changes and the times weigh more: there are a few days left for legislative and the device is greater. The balance will arrive later: if that visibility moves votes, if it orders the troop and if it does not collide with daily management. In summary, it is not the classic show: it is a permanent communication system whose real success is measured outside the stage, when the clip has to become concrete decisions for the country.

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