Javier Milei has few living idols. One of them is Spanish, wears a cross suit and does not shout. His name is Jesús Huerta de Soto, he is an economist, anarcocapitalista and during his time in Argentina he was received in Buenos Aires with hero. It is not an exaggeration: the president saw him four times in a week, he applauded him, he decorated it, handed him a diploma, he got into a television set like a fan and even awarded him in the Casa Rosada to close the tour with a little marble and glory.
The relationship between the two moves in an almost religious record. Milei treats it as if it were a cross between Moses and San Martín. Soto Huerta looks at him like a messiah with chainsaw.
Step by step. First act: Wednesday, at night. Fifth of olive trees. Private meeting, without cameras, without speeches, without visible catering. Milei, Huerta de Soto, the wife of Spanish and Philipp Bagus, a German economist and close collaborator of the economist participated.
The next day, second act. Television study of Canal América, Huerta de Soto in full interview with Antonio Laje. And suddenly, Milei. Enter without announcing, gets into the set, smiles, hugs it.
Third act, a few hours later. Huerta de Soto receives an honorary doctorate at the Superior School of Economics and Business Administration Esade), and who better to deliver it than your star student. Milei interrupts the previous one of a flight to Rome (Funeral of Francisco through) to stay to speak. This gesture was important from the symbolic point of view because Huerta de Soto is a strong critic of the late Pope Francis, who said he promoted a statist of well -being. He argued that the Pope did not understand the market economy and justified the State, which he calls “the incarnation of the evil one.”
Fourth and last chapter. White Hall of the Casa Rosada. Milei, already back from the Vatican, distinguishes it with the May order. The maximum award that the Argentine State can deliver to a foreigner.
The arrow between them was not born in a congress or an academic zoom. It emerged, like many stories of the 21st century, on YouTube. It was between 2009 and 2010, when Milei devoured the online classes of the Spanish economist, climbing by Fernando Díaz Villanueva, another web libertarian. In those recordings, Huerta de Soto taught about prices, property and why socialism was a fantasy. Milei listened and nodded. After a while, I was already armed: a worldview, a dogma, a crusade.
Ideas transformed him more than any life experience. The evidence is in the speeches, in his posts, in the handwritten dedication that Spanish made in one of his books, where he defines him as “leader of freedom and model for the world.” Milei uploaded her to her networks, of course. It wasn’t just a praise: it was a blessing.
Since then, the admiration was mutual. Huerta de Soto also climbed into the train of mileism. Compare it with Ludwig Erhard and the German miracle. He says that Argentina is starring an unprecedented ideological revolution. He says it without blushing and without putting context. Milei, grateful.
Ideology The basis of this love is not politics, it is the theory. Both share a series of dogmas that are not negotiated or discussed: the fiscal deficit is sin, taxes are looting, the State is a parasite, public education a scam, pensions a farce and social justice an invention of resentments.
For Soto Huerta, the State is not only unnecessary: it is impossible. Milei reformulates it in its own way: the State is the cause of the Argentine decline. The difference is in the tone. One says it as who explains a theorem. The other, like who invokes Conan from the top of the lectern. This conceptual affinity is what transforms the relationship into something more than a sympathy. It is an alliance. Milei looks as a political executor of a theory that found a closed, ordered and ready to apply in Soto Huerta. What in other countries is a niche utopia, in Argentina it has a presidential decree and signature.
And Huerta de Soto, which in Spain is just a figure among economists, here is treated as a patriarch. A guide. A foundational father of the New Argentina who, according to himself, can become a global power if the plan is signed.
The admiration between Milei and Soto Huerta is not occasion. It is the backbone of an unpublished political experiment. One that mixes economic theory, libertarian faith and a will to power that does not accept nuances. Argentina, anarchocapitalism laboratory. Milei, his apostle. And Huerta de Soto, his prophet.
