Imagine a dystopian story. In a not too sophisticated apartment in the city, in a middle -class neighborhood coming to less, a broken man faces a deep depression. So deep is the well of darkness in which he fell that he begins to have what some specialist would call a hallucination: he believes to receive visits from God himself, who assures him that his “mission” is to be president in just three years. His sister, who at that time mixes the sale of homemade cakes with their skills such as Medium and Tarotista to try to reach the end of the month, releases that theory. Between the two there are no political experience, and they have neither the media nor the contacts to face a national campaign. However, three years later there are. The brothers arrive at the place that “the one” had prophesied them.
Perhaps at this point some will have warned that, although it contains supernatural pieces, the history of the Milei is not at all science fiction. However, for the main opposition force it would seem to be. It would seem that the recently narrated, the meteoric rise of a marginal economist who was dedicated to comedy steps in the afternoon programs while his sister competed on TV to see if in one of those he could change the TV, it would never have existed. That is the feeling that remains when the lists that presented a country for these elections are seen. As if the unprecedented event that happened in 2023 would never have happened.
The list of rules written in politics that broke freedom progresses are too many for this note, but there are some of the most outgoing.
– Policy cannot be done without militants or own leaders.
– You can’t do politics without a device.
– You can’t do politics without territory or without covering “offline street”.
– You can’t get to power without doing the Cursus honorum of politics. Societies do not vote not proven projects in battle, candidates who have previously been governors or past somewhere outstanding of the public service.
– You cannot govern in a minority in both cameras.
– You cannot rule without mayors, governors, unions or own social movements.
– You can’t govern a fierce adjustment.
– You cannot rule by making fierce adjustment your main political flag.
– You cannot govern without seeking to build a majority, oiled with an open check for allies.
These are some of the maxims of the policy manuals that were burned since 2023. What did Peronism meanwhile? In addition to completing a government that disappointed up to their own, they were responsible for feeding the Milei phenomenon. It is not a metaphor: as this magazine was recounting -and then several of its protagonists confessed -, the heirs of General Perón took care of financing Freedom progresses, of giving logistics aid, taking care of the ballots on the day of the election, and even putting candidates where they did not have. The premise that moved these modern Victor Frankestein was to divide the opposition vote to try to achieve a triumph in the first round. However, all that castle of cards left for a wrong premise: the idea that Milei took more votes from the fishbowl of the then together for the change than from Peronism.
That play was, more than an error, the verification that Peronism had stopped interpreting the spirit of history correctly. When they saw Milei face all speed against all those maxims of politics, they laughed at him and called him “neighborhood phenomenon.”
The closure of lists for the national deputies and senators of Peronism serves as a sample to see that he learned the main opposition space in the two years that passed since that defeat. And the answer is bleak.
In principle, neither the most enthusiastic militant of Patria Force can answer with conviction and forcefulness that separates this space from the extinct front of all. In fact, the only two differences between one and the other were imposed by an external agent, justice: the condemnation of CFK left her outside the court, while the cause for gender violence weighs on Alberto Fernández finished taking him to ostracism. The appearance of Guillermo Moreno, the only novelty of the Peronism passes market, was diluted to Fade Out and without the former secretary of Commerce on the ballot.
Then, taking Milei’s rejection of the equation, what would lead to a voter, oblivious to Peronism, to choose Patria force? What arguments would an unvolved convince?
The candidates, it is clear, are not. An important part of society seems to have said enough to the same faces and surnames always. Some will say OKEY, but behind Milei are Patricia Bullrich, Daniel Scioli, Diego Santilli, Cristian Ritondo or the Menem, illustrious exponents of the most conspicuous caste. However, the order of the factors alters the result: the average voter of Llaije support Milei, beyond who is his candidate. And, or not, the broken man who believes he will carry out a divine plan is, for many people, fresh air in politics.
Faced with that, Patria’s Force presents a revolutionary idea: a long -standing list of long -standing trade unionists and politicians. As if that were not enough, many of them are the same trade unionists and the same politicians who have been occupying a position or a bank since the beginning of the millennium. Jorge Taiana, Mariano Recalde, Martín Soria, Jorge Capitanich, Silvia Sapag, José Emilio Neder, and the intimate ally of Milei, the Tucumano Osvaldo Jaldo, to name only some of those who will lead the ballots in the country. Although several of the newly mentioned are probas and work capacity, they all share a common denominator: long years in politics. Decades even. As if that were not enough, several of them are “delegates” of the great referents of space, who convinced themselves that it is better to escape the tickets and send their subordinates.
Needless to say, the lack of renewal on the lists is only the appearance on the surface of a much deeper problem. And there is the crux of the matter: it is easier to achieve a talk with Conan in the beyond to understand what the proposal of Peronism for the future of Argentina is. If you do not fall in love with the names, can Peronism fall in love with the proposals?
There the issue becomes even thicker. It is that the speeches of the main referents – for appointing two cases, Máximo Kirchner and Axel Kicillof – mix nostalgic recallings to 2004 with slots that for many voters are as far away as the moon. “Get employment again”, “a present state”, “recover lost rights” are attractive slogans but they are that: slogans. With the slogans you do not eat or cure or educate, as the turbulent experience of the last Peronist government showed. The memories of the achievements of 2004 are, for all those who do not comb gray and who never went to a recital of the Solari Indian, a past as distant as the presidency of Sarmiento. In 2027, those born in 2011 will vote, which of the Kirchner governments do not have the most remote memory.
The one who is perhaps the only one who was encouraged to compose something similar to new songs – Agrarian Reformation, expropriation of the rural, physical violence as a legitimate method of defense against the current government, to name a few – was Juan recordois. But his spirit on and his transformative proclamation seem to collide again and again with the same wall: a call, in this case of telephone, by Cristina Kirchner. In 2023, when she threatened to go outside, the former president contained him with a passage, in which she openly leaned for who a few years ago had promised to put her in prey.
Two years later the story is repeated, and as a mockery. After a media raid of moral ínfulas against the Tigrense and his space, which included a very hard crossing with his brother -in -law Sebastián Galmarini, recordois ended up on the list with … Sebastián Galmarini.
So what learned Peronism from the triumph of Milei? What news did you incorporate? It would seem that very little or directly nothing. In fact, what most offered this space to its voters and society in this period was a constant and palatial intern, a power fight that did not even have the courage to be taken to its last consequences and the one that is now sutured with pressure patches. This gray intrigue hides that much more worrying reality: as the Peronism broke the antenna that made it connect with the spirit of the time – in fifties with the welfare state, in the seventies with the revolutionary spirit, in the nineties with the consensus of Washington and in the 2000 that its members move comfortably. It is easier to throw yourself with the one next door than try to imagine and build an alternative future. For the first with anger and personal ambitions, it reaches, for the latter you need much more than that.
Milei, then, triumphed for several reasons, especially for the more than 200 inflation points left by the last government. But other factors also played: broken, violent, unstable and mystical, their voters translated all that as a new offer. Different. Someone so convinced of his ideas – with a brutal honesty as to propose the sale of organs or children – who managed to infect. Create what analysts call “story”, the idea that there is a north that can be reached. And that goal is easy to understand and seems possible, and that is why even unusual candidates such as the former fictional girlfriend of Ricardo Fort, a former Playboy model or one of Neura’s entertaining becomes potable electoral options.
Milei connected with this particular historical moment. And, although for many it can be bad or even fictional, the libertarian has a future to offer, one for which he also literally promises to leave life. Although it seems true that some golden rules do not change- as the elections are won or lose the officials- Peronism would seem to have nothing new to offer. The lists for this year, which seem to prophesy an equally gray future for the great fight within two years, demonstrate again. Maybe the only thing that remains is the past ahead.
You may also interest you
