Eduardo “El Presto” Prestofelippo, one of the best known influencers on the right, is no longer part of freedom advanced for a long time. Its distancing was given before the current campaign, in the midst of internal shocks and the dispute for the control that Karina Milei exerts on the structure. However, the recent defeat in the province of Buenos Aires reactivated tensions and his voice resonated strongly in the public debate.
In an editorial on his YouTube channel, published after Sunday’s electoral fall, the YouTuber said the president “is not normal” and that he begins to show “features that are already afraid.” It was not an isolated outburst: it is part of a diagnosis that shares the so -called “first guard” of digital militants -carlos Maslatón, Emanuel Danann, of Perono and Álvaro Zicarelli, among others-, who eventually were out of the assembly: some were displaced and others decided to depart to see the increasingly arbitrary handwear of Karina Milei.
The accusation is direct: in freedom there is no place for autonomous voices. Everyone who tries to make differences or maintain own thinking ends out of the scheme. And that purge, they say, explains why figures that once built the libertarian identity from the networks today are on the other side, turned into implacable critics.
But the anger is not only because of the way that rupture was given, but also because of the impotence of seeing the project that they themselves dreamed of. They trusted that Milei’s party was going to materialize different country ideas, to break with the old policy and Kirchnerism. The disappointment is double: not only feel that these promises evaporated, but – according to them – Milei himself and, above all, Karina, ended up facilitating the land so that Kirchnerism recovers prominence.
“Are we going to continue making the bullshit? Javier Milei is not emotionally or mentally in his balances,” said the former libertarian influencer.
With the fresh Buenos Aires defeat and the scandal of coimas in full boiling, the criticisms of those who were once internal allies hit more strongly. The ruling party not only faces the external wear of the opposition and the economic crisis, but also the erosion of its symbolic capital: losing the digital founders who installed it before public opinion means giving terrain in the same territory where Milei became strong.
In short, the Presto does not mark a new break -because it was already out of space -but amplifies it. After electoral failure, internal tensions ceased to be a murmur and became a cry: the weakness of the libertarian project is not measured only in votes or in the economy, but also in the disappointment of those who thought that Milei was going to embody a real change and now accuse him of opening the way to what he said he wanted to defeat.
