Instead of focusing on the hidden message of the five-point Iranian proposal, Donald Trump launched a low blow that speaks worse about him than about the person attacked.
Nobody in the White House realized that what the regime proposes to negotiate the end of the war is what does not appear in the five proposed points. Instead, they brought the CIA report that Muqtada Jameney is gay to the Oval Office and Trump shouted it to the world, betting that it would have a devastating effect on a backwards and criminally homophobic theocracy.
Like the Old Testament, the Quran refers to homosexuality in a condemnatory way in the chapter on Sodom and Gomorrah and in the Prophet Lot’s description of same-sex relationships as an “atrocity.”
That is why in Sunnism and Shiism homosexuality is equated with adultery and, in countries like Qatar, it is sentenced with prison, while in countries like Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Sudan and Afghanistan, with the death penalty, just as in the Islamic Republic of Iran, where homosexuals are executed by hanging.
Perhaps knowledge of these brutal religious interpretations gave the CIA strategists the idea to reveal, or sow doubt about, the sexuality of the new supreme leader, seeking to destabilize him. Still, getting into that issue when Trump is suspected of pedophilia due to his close and long relationship with pedophile magnate Jeffrey Epstein does not seem very smart.
Taking into account this Achilles’ Heel, perhaps it was not a good idea to have launched the reprehensible accusation against Muqtada Khamenei, betting on the criminal homophobia of that obscurantist regime.
In fact, the White House and its propaganda apparatus did not insist on that bomb that could come back like a boomerang against the New York magnate. But they still did not discover the key to the Iranian proposal.
The most important message of the plan presented by the regime is in what it does not say. What does not appear in those five points is what the Shiite theocracy would be proposing. And what is absent is nothing less than its nuclear program.
So far in this war, Washington and Tel Aviv have discovered that the regime that always had power concentrated in a one-man leadership, prepared for this war by becoming a Hydra and, like the merciless monster of Greek mythology, has many heads that, when cut off, grow back, multiplying by two.
Israeli and American strategists have not yet discovered a way to achieve what Hercules achieved in the second of the twelve great feats imposed on him by King Eurystheus: killing the Hydra of Lerna.
That is why Trump, against his own instinct, began to mobilize reservists and sent an amphibious ship to the coast of Iran with 3,500 marines ready to disembark. Although increasing its threat does not mean that it stops looking for an exit door.
Perhaps I would find it in the five points proposed by the regime. The key issue is the one that is not mentioned in the Iranian proposal, and a possible interpretation of this inconceivable absence is that it is precisely what Iran is willing to negotiate, that is, the area in which it would “make concessions”: the nuclear program, nothing less than the issue on which Trump and Netanyahu justified the war.
The fact that he has not explicitly mentioned it among the proposed demands for a ceasefire is a sign that the regime is moving its political chips on the board of the conflict with more intelligence than the head of the White House is showing.
If, in order to withdraw from the conflict, Trump required it to explicitly renounce building nuclear weapons, the regime can do so because it has already done so many times. There is even a fatwa (religious decree issued by an ayatollah) in which the Persian theocracy declares nuclear weapons as “haram” (something totally prohibited) because they are against what is established in the Koran. That fatwa was dictated by Ali Khamenei, whose death makes it immovable in perpetuity because only the same ayatollah who dictated it can annul this type of religious decree.
In addition to negligence, Trump shows a growing political fragility to stay in the race, which contrasts with the political firmness that facilitates the regime’s dictatorial nature. Although it is Iran that has received the most devastating blows, the relationship of forces in military terms is inverse to that of the political board.
While in military terms the American superiority over the Persian war apparatus is overwhelming, in a war a dictatorship like the Iranian one is politically more functional than a democracy like the one the United States still has despite Trump.
The week began with the president showing his greatest need for a quick end to the conflict by postponing for five days a bombing that had already been announced and justifying this extension by referring to “direct conversations.” Strictly speaking, German Chancellor Frederich Merz had explained to him the reasons why such an attack was extremely counterproductive. In any case, Tehran denied that there were “direct talks” and attributed Trump’s statement to the fact that “he is being defeated.”
Despite this snub, Trump once again showed anxiety to find a way out of the conflict that is beginning to wear him down. Without mentioning the Iranian denial, he presented a fifteen-point proposal for a ceasefire. The theocracy rejected that proposal and stated that the war will end when the regime “decides.”
After that came the announcement of the five-point Iranian proposal where the key would be in what it does not say. The first point is that the attacks and murders carried out by Israeli and American forces in Iran stop. The second talks about measures guaranteeing that there will be no future attacks against that country. Third and fourth, the regime demands war reparations and the end of hostilities against its allies in the region, in the first instance on Hezbollah, which is being severely attacked in Lebanon; while the fifth point demands the recognition of Iranian sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz.
Except for the claim of full sovereignty over Hormuz, the other points could be accepted if the regime agrees not to attack Israel anymore, either directly or through its proxies.
Not a word was said in Washington about what the ayatollah regime proposed. What the president did was postpone the much-mentioned attack again, although at the same time deploying thousands of troops prepared for an invasion.
Although he did not say anything about the five-point Iranian proposal and sent a brigade from the 82nd Airborne Division, a powerful elite force used for high-risk operations in distant territories, to the area, Trump extended the execution of his threat against Iran for another eight days. Another sign of his anxiety to find an end to a high-stakes war.
Although morally execrable, Trump’s operation on the Iranian leader’s sexuality is also high risk. Very risky for someone who, like him, collects complaints of sexual harassment and is in the shadow of the Epstein case, which makes him suspected of an abject and criminal sexual nature.
