This Saturday more than 8,000 Spanish consistories were constitutedtheir mayors were elected and the loss of local power of the socialist party, which will go on to govern only 10 of the provincial capitals (11 if the results of León are confirmed), compared to the 30 with which the Popular Party has been made. Meanwhile, the negotiations to form the regional executivesnot all with the haste with which they prepared to close their PP and Vox agreement in the Valencian Community, and the councils. In 12 of these capitals, the pacts between different groups to form a majority of half plus one of the elected representatives have meant that the list with the most votes (there are Socialists, the PP, Bildu and Junts) has not been made with Mayor’s office. all of them legit, something more and more assumed in the democratic culture of the country although there are those who only point out illegitimacies when they are the victim. Like when what happened in Barcelona is denounced and not in Girona. Anyone who disagrees has the alternative of proposing a reform of the electoral system, which would most likely require improvements: although it will be difficult for them to pass, in a representative and proportional system such as the one established by the Constitution, by the sacralization of the most voted list.
In some cases the pacts can be read in terms of general policy. In others, depending on strictly local dynamics. These sometimes explain much more what has been happening than remote analysis: such as, for example, that after what happened in the city of Barcelona, the options remain open for the Catalan socialists to govern the councils of Barcelona (with Junts) and of Tarragona and Lleida (with ERC), or the dynamics of local pacts in the Basque Country so contradictory to the use that was made in the campaign of the voting history in the Congress of Deputies of bildu.
However, it is clear that, after the call for general elections for July 23, many decisions have been mediated by the backpack that should or should not be dragged on the way to this unexpected electoral call. And above all, even more interfered with by this logic have been the analyzes and interpretations of what happened. In this sense, although from the electoral interests of Pedro Sanchez should put the focus exclusively on them, and from the dand Alberto Núñez Feijóo to divert attention, it is necessary to distinguish between intensity and extension, between the qualitative and the quantitative, with regard to the consummated pacts between the Popular Party and Vox. It is disturbing democratically to open the institutions to the extreme right, to normalize some of their discourses and even more, if they succeed, that they inspire effective policies in fields where essential rights may be threatened. But neither size its presence beyond what is verifiable (Vox has agreed with the PP in close to a hundred municipalities), nor trust the results at the polls to the alarm at its irruption (magnifying the phenomenon in some contexts has made it grow, and in any case it seems that it has led to more absolute majorities of the PP than to mass mobilizations from the left) has to give the expected results. Nor, in general, the pacts against, whose effectiveness would perhaps deserve some debate and reflection.