Carlos Eduardo Rovira lives in a house built on a property of 14 thousand square meters. It is so great that the apple next door, for example, measures the same, but with the difference that there are 17 houses and three vacant lots. In his property, registered in the public records of Posadas in the name of his wife Rosana Spotorno. Rovira made use of his political power to close a street that led to the Paraná River. There is a wall today that blocked access to the river, and on the other side there is a private dock that has direct entry to the house of Rovira. But there is something much worse in that property: attached to the river coast there is a wall that prevents circulation along the coast, which goes against the law, which requires the owners of riverside land to leave free 35 meters of coast for the so -called “Sirga road”. News agreed to satellite images that show the difference. How that area was in 2004, before Rovira built his house, and how he looks today. The change is amazing. You can even see that part of the river water was used to make a lagoon inside its garden. Little tastes of the man who rules in missions for 26 years. That was governor, but today handles the province from the shadows. And that became the master key with which the government could drop the law of clean file.
Rovira was born in Posadas and received from a chemical engineer. His public career began in the ’80s as secretary of the then deputy Ramón Puerta, who would later happen as governor. That founding link was also the first “political parricide” that would define its future. In 1999 he assumed as governor for the PJ label and had to cross the 2001 crisis, which had his political father as one of the protagonists. While Ramón Puerta was busy in Buenos Aires, Rovira built his power at the provincial level. In 2002, when Peronism was organizing the normalization of the country with Eduardo Duhalde to the head, the possibility of putting together the presidential formula with José Manuel de la Sota and Ramón Puerta as its vice was considered. Everything was aimed, but at the last moment of the cassock he got off. Duhalde proposed the candidacy for Nestor Kirchner, who said yes. The original plan was to keep on the door as vice president, but the missionary refused to accompany Kirchner, which earned him the resentment of the Patagonian, which resulted in the fuel that Rovira would be worth to advance at the provincial level.
In 2003, Rovira broke with the door PJ and created the Renewal Front of Concordia, a party with which he was reelected governor, thanks to the support of President Kirchner. I was packed. In 2006 he tried to reform the Provincial Constitution to have indefinite re -election, but could not because of the opposition exercised by the Church. This did not stop him and decided to try something more risky: to give the governor to radicalism and control it from the provincial legislature. In 2007, the governor candidate was the Radical Maurice Closs, who took Sandra Giménez, a trusted person from Rovira, who was on the ballot as the first candidate for provincial deputy. Since then, Rovira became president of the Missionary Legislature, from where he oil a surgical style of power management. It was more time president of the Chamber of Deputies than governor and, still, the entire missionary political system does not move finger if the issue does not pass through his hands. Maurice Closs passed -by two periods -then Hugo Passalacqua, Oscar Herrera Aguad and now Passalacqua again. The secret is that the governor on duty is not for more than a period. In Misiones, the only permanent thing is Rovira, who has such great power that since 2023 he does not even preside over the legislature. He left her in the hands of Herrera Aguad, who may be the next governor. Now Rovira is a simple provincial deputy, who no longer needs institutional titles to exercise power. It is not necessary, because everyone complies with their orders, he is the most feared man of missions. They call it the pattern and moves as a feudal man, to whom the whole political system responds in exchange for protection, favors and good treatment. Every Thursday, Rovira gathers his troop to lower line and, if he needs to strengthen any idea, send messages for the application of encrypted messaging Signal. That would have been the way in which on May 7 he instructed his two senators, Carlos Arce and Sonia Rojas Decut, to vote against the clean card project and threw down the bill that could impact on Cristina Kirchner’s candidacy for this year. Until this moment of the year, Rovira had voted in line with the government for important issues, such as Base Law. Even when the law of clean file had been treated in deputies, the representatives of Rovira -yamila Ruiz, Alberto Arrúa, Carlos Fernández and Daniel Vancsikhabiedo voted in favor. In the Senate it was decided to change posture.
What happened. The explanation was given by the Minister of Finance of Missions Adolfo Safrán on the social network X: “Mauricio Macri, with a clean file, sought, in the same movement, to outlaw any candidacy of Cristina Fernández and at the same time positioning her candidate – Silvia Lospenno, author of the project – in the legislative contest of the city of Buenos Aires.”
A context fact is that Rovira has no good relationship with Macri because he is a friend of Ramón Puerta, his missionary nemesis. Minister Safrán added: “Rovira’s political intelligence disarmed with a simple movement which meant being a play of macrismo to mark the agenda to the national government and continue to deepen its crack with Kirchnerism.” To the words of the missionary minister, what is published by the newspaper La Nación about which Rovira would have confirmed to his environment that there was a request from Milei so that his senators voted against the project. Rovira controls more than 90 percent of the municipalities of Misiones, influences justice, in a part of the provincial media and holds their power through a framework of public contracts, allied media and state employment clientele. To this is added that the Lemas Law ensures opposition fragmentation.
Its most intimate circle is made up of businessmen who prospered in the heat of their management. The most relevant is his friend Raúl Castaño, the most influential operator of Rovirismo in the field of media. From Accountant profession, Castaño handles the political and media gear of the Concord Renovating Front: controls the most important multima in the province, Sapem Multimedia, which includes Channel 12, the signal with the greatest arrival in the missionary territory, the Radio LT17 and the YouTube channel the House of Streaming. In addition, Castaño usually collaborates in the assembly of the electoral lists, articulates with business cameras and acts as a crisis manager, especially in moments of conflict, such as the police and teachers of this year. From that structure, ensures the communication armor of the ruling party and operates as a disciplinary tool against opponents or diads. Regarding business, one of the most resonant cases of the last year was the inauguration of a herbicide -making plant that belongs to a company called Agrosustentable SA. This venture is from Joaquín Basanta, a businessman friend of Ramiro Rovira, the son of the missionary mandamás. This firm became a privileged provider of the State with a bioherbicide called “bioherb” that was distributed free of free to rural producers to replace glyphosate. However, the product was ineffective and potentially toxic. The case was denounced by the field bugs portal and the scandal resulted in a judicial case, which ended archived. The day of the inauguration, Rovira participated in the act with his son. Rovira Jr. and Basanta shared, according to the INPI brand registration (National Institute of Industrial Property), the property of the Uncertainty brand, created for an event organizing company. From the scandal that meant the publication of that information, Ramiro Rovira and Basanta gave their part to the third partner Saúl Antebi Sacca. In the Posadas Empresarial Park, where the Agroindustrial plant was inaugurated, the factory of Rovira’s son, a brand of clothing and accessories called worthy, also has a place in Palermo. In Misiones it manufactures the lens frames, the vedette of the store. On his Instagram Ramiro Rovira, he posted some lenses of his brand in which he reads in the inside of the pin: “Handmade for Mr. Cer”, the initials of his father.
Parisian. The daughter of the missionary boss, Miranda Rovira, is also dedicated to fashion design, but outside. He moved to Paris, France, where he opened a super exclusive place of his Mima brand on Rue Du Faubourg Saint-Honoré street, just behind the Eliseo Palace, the Government House of the Presidency of France. Rovira has a special link with Paris. During his intention he was distinguished with the Knight Medal of the Legion D ‘Honneur de France. In Misiones they know that, when he is not in the province, he is in Paris, walking along Des Champs-Elysées Avenue. That usually happens from November to April.
The children of Rovira have a consultant called Eternal Sa registered in Misiones. A striking fact about the narrow link between the Rovira family, business and the State: all companies must register in the General Directorate of Legal Persons and Public Registry, a kind of general inspection of justice. The offices of this address work in Roque Perez 2398, in the city of Posadas. According to the Municipality of Posadas, that property – a five -story building – is in the name of Martha Rovira, the sister of the missionary tsar. In addition, in that building the company Missionary Safety Company, owned by Fernando Sierra, husband of Martha and brother -in -law of Rovira operates. All in family.
The business plot also includes Alegra Med, an online medicine company that provides shifts and health services to the entire province through a mandatory app. Its owner, Augusto Marini, also knows Ramiro Rovira through Joaquín Basanta, of Agroindustrial, because Marini and Basanta have a company called IWP SA, dedicated to the commercialization of water. Marini, on the other hand, owns the Carajo streaming channel, the Libertarian Organ House managed by “El Gordo Dan.”
Despite being Boca’s fan, Rovira has a good relationship with the River leadership. In 2021 he gave him a contract to manage the collection of taxes to the company Think Solutions, linked to the leadership of the River Plate club.
In national politics, Rovira has been shown as a skilled balance. He knew how to weave alliances with all national governments, from Kirchner to Milei, adapting to the winds of each era. He managed to build a provincial force that is envied by his peers from other regions and a dialectical formula to align the troop. Rovira does not speak of Rovirismo. Talk about missionaryism to avoid party signs. Thus, it unifies the provincial feeling of those who look at Buenos Aires with suspicion. The man behind the clean file scandal lives in a fortified mansion over the Paraná River, with private custody, closed streets and a personal tie. At night he sees the lights of Paraguay that appear on the horizon. Its legacy, even without a visible heir, is sustained by the precise mixture of institutional control, forced loyalty and privatized businesses from power. He is the last feudal lord.
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