Javier Milei He found a new enemy. And it is no accident. In the middle of cryptogate scandalwhich exposed suspicious financial movements within its closest environment, the president decided to run the focus with a high impact movement: the intervention of the province of Buenos Aires.
From its x (ex twitter) account, Milei described the Buenos Aires suburban as a “bloodbath” And directly holding Axel Kicillof for the security crisis. “If you are interested in the well -being of the Buenos Aires, cut off the road (that is, give up) and let us intervene the province,” the president shot. A tweet An earthquake. The play served to mark the agenda and left Peronism with the fire costume in a house in flame.
Kicillof, faithful to his style, tried to lower the discussion of social networks mud and transferred it to more institutional land. From La Plata, at a press conference surrounded by his cabinet, he described Milei’s proposal as “an unconstitutional delirium” and denounced him criminally for attacking the democratic order. “Don’t be a coward, leave the Twitter and meet to work seriously,” the governor challenged. The problem is that in the fight for speed and communicational impact, the libertarian takes advantage. His message was buried in the informative tide of the Milei era.
Internal
But the presidential play had another unexpected positive effect for Kicillof: The Peronist board reorder. Until that time, the relationship between Kicillof and hard Kirchnerism was tense indifference. Neither Cristina nor Máximo Kirchner had been enthusiastic about the consolidation of the governor as leader of the Buenos Aires PJ. But Milei’s attack forced a truce.
Maximum, head of the provincial PJ, repudiated the offensive in a report with Julia Mengolini And he demanded that the president “begin to work together with the province and return the more than 700 billion pesos that he took to security,” he said, “unless she just wants to take advantage of this painful moment of the families of the victims for electoral purposes.” Cristina, meanwhile, used her networks to amplify a party statement in which they described Milei’s maneuver as “an institutional coup attempt against the province.”
The unity photo existed, but did not solve the differences. In the Patria Institute they relativized the support and made it clear that Kicillof still does not be part of the former president’s confidence. For Cristina, His former Minister of Economy is a survivor of Kirchnerism, not an heir. Even in the surveys that circulated in recent weeks it is still observed that Cristina is the main opposition leader and that Kicillof is second, far from her boss.
This is a strong point in Milei’s strategy, because when fighting with Kicillof, he is not only trying to divert the focus of the $ Libra case, but is also discussing with the internal competitor of CFK, in the territory where Kirchnerism is stronger, the province of Buenos Aires. Dividing the enemy is a resource as old as wars.
The confrontation between Kicillof and Milei presented two political styles and collision communication. While Milei builds power by force of shock, tweets and permanent confrontation, Kicillof tries to sustain a more traditional strategy, speeches and press conferences. The question is which of the two methods has the greatest impact. Until now, the libertarian imposes the rules of the game. With a single publication he managed to divert, for a moment, the attention of cryptogate and forced all Peronism to go out in defense of the governor.
In the Buenos Aires Legislature, the governor tried to recover the initiative and denounced that “Milei seeks to dismantle the community and divide us to weaken.”
Reasons
The background of this fight is electoral. Kicillof already projects his political future And he works on an opposition front to Milei for 2025 and 2027. The Buenos Aires governor seeks to eliminate the step in his province, a decision that the legislature will make, where he has allies of massism and sectors of Peronism. This would give you control over the lists and It would allow electoral unfolding to detach from the wear and tear of national Peronism. In addition, thinking about the National Congress and also, why not, in 2027, Try to add opponents such as Maximiliano Pullaro (UCR) and Ignacio Torres (PRO) with whom in the middle of last year it was shown in different acts, to form an anti-Milei block.
In addition to seeking to suspend the step, Kicillof also wants to unfold the elections in Buenos Aires. “Voting time with a single ballot is increased and can generate innumerable problems. We have to guarantee an efficient vote,” he argued. But the play has another reading: try to disconnect the provincial election campaign of the National
In the short term, Milei achieved what he wanted. He turned the insecurity into a central issue and displaced the financial scandal that hits his government from the debate. Kicillof, on the other hand, achieved internal support but without guarantees that it translates into real power within the Kirchner universe. In the Peronist intern, it is still a peripheral actor.
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