Inequality and discomfort: 70 years after the colonial system, ‘the marriage of convenience’ with the Antilles is still unhappy

Etienne Ys, former Prime Minister of the Netherlands Antilles, negotiated with Prime Minister Balkenende in 2005 about the political relations between the Caribbean islands and the Netherlands realized: “We do not want to let go of each other at all. Not after the Second World War, and still not now.”

He came to this insight at the time, in the run-up to the dissolution of the Netherlands Antilles in 2010, on the basis of the so-called Statute for the Kingdom of the Netherlands, which he had studied intensively. That statute – on paper the farewell to the colonial system – was signed in 1954 by all countries of the Kingdom. It states which matters are carried out jointly or autonomously by the countries, currently Aruba, Curaçao, Sint Maarten and the Netherlands.

Ys quotes Queen Wilhelmina’s speech from 1942, which was the impetus for the agreement: “’Relying on our own strength, but with the will to assist each other.’ I think that’s strong. The Statute is an occasional wedding. You continue to support each other, in good and bad times.”

We have been stuck with each other for a few centuries now, but we have never properly processed the colonial past

Every marriage has its problems, but in the relationship between the Netherlands and the six Caribbean islands, arguments dominate affection. “The Netherlands often sees the islands as a nuisance,” says Ys. “That is a shame, because the Statute actually encourages the countries to cooperate. Unfortunately, they only take advantage of that opportunity in times of crisis, for example during the pandemic.”

Transatlantic relations within the Kingdom have been a point of contention for decades. To mark the seventieth anniversary, symposia are being held and publications are being published about the Statute, often with the key question: what next? On October 16, the Council of State contributed to the discussion with a ‘spontaneous advice’ for modernizing the Statute, in order to ‘do justice to the principle of equality and mutual understanding’. The Council advocates more cooperation in the field of education and poverty reduction and for a reduction of the ‘democratic deficit’. For example, residents of Curaçao, Aruba and Sint Maarten cannot now vote for the House of Representatives.

Mentality

“Some people think that voting right is meaningless,” says Glenn Thodé, former governor of Bonaire. “They say: ‘300,000 Caribbean voters is a drop in the ocean compared to eighteen million.’”

Yet this equality is “a matter of principle”, he believes. “A child of Dutch parents can vote at the age of eighteen. But not if he or she is born in one of the three Caribbean countries.”

What Thodé also notices about the advice from the Council of State is that, as is often the case from the European Netherlands, it mainly concerns problems of scale and structure. “It is always said: the three countries cannot bear the weight of autonomy. Or: the three municipalities cannot cope with their tasks. I think that’s too easy. The real problem is the political culture.”

Until the legal abolition of slavery in 1863, the Caribbean was a foreign territory for the Netherlands. After that, interest dwindled and, according to the former lieutenant governor, The Hague’s half-hearted attitude continues, also because the islands usually cost more money than they generate. According to Thodé, and he is not alone in this, administrators on the islands have adopted the European ‘west thinking’. “They often try to enrich themselves and their clan. The autonomy is nice for drivers, less so for residents.”

Thodé calls the Caribbean countries not a rights society but a ‘favours society’. The government is hardly controlled by parliament or island council, ideology plays a supporting role: everything revolves around personal contacts. “The Netherlands also sees this,” says Thodé, “but is reluctant to act in a ‘colonial’ manner. At the same time, the Netherlands often does not take island administrators seriously. In this way we remain stuck in the same colonial thinking patterns.”

Prime Minister Emily de Jongh-Elhage emotionally receives the flag of the Netherlands Antilles during the ceremony surrounding the dissolution of the Netherlands Antilles in Willemstad.

Self-reliance

In response to the seventy-year Statute, Thodé compiled the collection with journalist René Zwart of the news site Dossierkoninkrijkslaties.nl Trouble or pleasure? together, which was presented this week in Nieuwspoort. The collection contains forty essays by administrators, scientists, writers and other experts on Caribbean-Dutch relations, from both sides of the ocean.

In the final chapter, Gert Oostindie, emeritus professor of colonial and postcolonial history, analyzes the contributions. According to Oostindie, a recurring theme is the tension between guaranteeing good governance – which is what The Hague wants – and respecting the autonomy of the Caribbean countries. “Given the enormous differences in scale, the relationships are by definition unequal, and their continuation is especially in the interest of the islands. That creates mutual discomfort.”

According to Oostindie, dissatisfaction with Dutch interference is increasing. “After the dismantling of the Netherlands Antilles in 2010, The Hague mainly invested in the three BES municipalities. But the more money you put into it, the resistance seems to grow. Caribbean administrators do not want to see behind the scenes and the population is also becoming frustrated. She thinks: we are losing our island.”

With the Schoof cabinet, a chillier wind from The Hague is rising towards the Caribbean. State Secretary Zsolt Szabó (Kingdom Relations, PVV) speaks about the need for “more self-reliance” on the islands. “The PVV once wanted to put the Antilles on Marktplaats. A nasty colonial idea, which is not legally possible at all. There could be a tougher approach: less money, more supervision.”

The leader of a parliamentary delegation William the Evilsteniet (CDA) on the bus in Aruba, next to Betico Croesleader of the MEP. Front right Wijnie Jabaaij (PvdA), behind it Erica Terpstra (VVD).

Independence

Yet it is unlikely that a tougher course in The Hague will increase the drive for independence. In the referenda prior to 2010, this option only received a handful of votes. Only on Sint Maarten is there more support: in 2000, 15 percent voted for secession. Oostindie: “There is a small political class on Sint Maarten that wants to turn the island into a kind of Malta out of their own interests. But it is too small to become a viable state.”

Rhoda Arrindell, former minister of education on Sint Maarten, sees it differently. For years she has been advocating for independence for the island, including the French part. She is the founder of the One SXM Association: “We want parliament to organize a referendum: if the people want it, it is legitimate.” According to her, this referendum can only be about one question: independence for Sint Maarten, yes or no? “The 2000 referendum was manipulated. The options were in the interests of the colonial ruler and the date was postponed,” she says. “The night before the polls, the leaders of the major parties said that autonomy was the best option.”

Arrindell finds the ‘colonial relations’ with the Netherlands undesirable. She sees inequality everywhere, from education to justice: “How is it possible that the descendants of the people who enslaved us now judge us? The Dutch are not the ones who should judge our future.”

Tyres

Each Caribbean island itself searches for a suitable political model. Sometimes to the annoyance of former Prime Minister Ys. “Take the monetary union between Curaçao and Sint Maarten: they share the Antillean guilder and a Central Bank. Aruba does not participate, while there is a lot of money traffic between Aruba and Curaçao and the Aruban florin is worth the same. So two separate currencies and two central banks is nonsense.”

According to Ys, the Statute encourages the Caribbean countries to cooperate, but they do not speak to each other enough. “Unfortunately, that is our mentality. There will only be serious talk if the Netherlands imposes it. For example, when a coast guard was set up. This would never have happened if The Hague had not said: you must do this together.”

Ys advocates a development plan that he drew up with researchers: the BV Kingdom. The Caribbean islands form a bridge between the Netherlands and South America. “The Netherlands is an export country, but trade with South American emerging markets is limited. The islands are a good economic springboard. Kingdom administrators can help interest the Dutch business community.”

A recurring theme is the tension between ensuring good governance and respecting autonomy

The former prime minister also sees opportunities for higher education. “If the University of Amsterdam opens a branch in Curaçao or Bonaire, many prosperous South Americans would send their children to study there. It is safe and the education is better and cheaper than in America.”

Glenn Thodé also thinks that the Netherlands should take more initiative. He realized this when he, as governor of Bonaire, saw the Dutch flag being hoisted on 10-10-10. “I then thought: now the Netherlands has become a Caribbean country. But The Hague still often has that ‘us and them’ attitude.”

Before another meeting about scale and sovereignty, Thodé believes, the Netherlands and the Caribbean territories should discuss their shared identity. “We have been stuck with each other for a few centuries now, but we have never properly processed the colonial past. There have been excuses for slavery, but the real conversation has not been started. Who are we? What do we want to become?”

The Statute provides a platform for this. “We must develop a common Kingdom vision. And the Netherlands must start that process – because that is what created this Kingdom.”

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