Fabiola Yañez is not paying the rent for the apartment where she lives. It is a two-bedroom in the center of Madrid in which she and part of her family can barely fit. The mother, Miriam, sleeps in the living room, and the former first lady and her son Francisco use the bedroom. She has another five months of grace left before the year in advance that Alberto Fernández paid last May, when he forced her to move to that cramped place, expires. Before that, he lived in a spacious four-room apartment in the Salamanca neighborhood, one of the most charming in the Spanish capital. but Alberto told him that he had to leave there.

He told his lawyer Mariana Gallego the first time they met:

– Alberto told me that the four-room apartment was lent to him by “Pepe” Albistur, his friend. Of course, everything is lent to you…
The irony in his voice was evident.
–And what happened? –Gallego asked.
–He said that they demanded it, and we had to come here, where we didn’t even enter.

It had been difficult for the lawyer to get Fabiola to give her the address. I wanted to meet her in a bar, perhaps embarrassed by the conditions in which she lived.

Since she decided to report gender violence against Fernández last August, the money that he wired her month after month from Buenos Aires stopped arriving. Now, by decision of the Justice, which seized part of the former president’s privileged retirement, 3,400 euros of that sum are for Francisco’s child support for 2 years. Yañez demands 5,000, but Alberto says that he cannot afford that expense and asks that she return to Argentinawhere he would pay pesos instead of euros and could see his son. She refuses.

“I couldn’t get a job there, or walk down the street,” he tells his friends.

The origin of the cause between Fabiola and Alberto.

The court case began when Yañez realized that there was no way to negotiate a financial settlement with his ex-partner. It is part of what is told in “El martirio”, the brand new book by the author of these lines that Planeta has just published.

After reproaching Fernández for not getting him a job in Madrid, despite his friendship with President Pedro Sánchez, She wrote to him via chat: “You think those photos no longer exist. “You had it all and you ruined it.” Only when the complaint was an imminent event did Alberto react and propose to sign a joint statement denying what the newspaper Clarín had published about the images with the bruises that Judge Julián Ercolini had in his hands. “You have my word that nothing will be missing,” he promised her in a desperate text message, and insisted: “Can we make that joint statement?”

“I have to think about it,” she replied. And he warned him: “If you do it alone, not even God will believe you.”

He replied: “I’m not going to do it alone. “If you leave me alone, I’m not going to do it.”

But he never heard from her again. Hours later, the images of the bruises came to light and Fabiola moved forward with her complaint.

Even though in this story she clearly seems like the victim, the truth is that Fabiola tried to take advantage – consciously or not – of that condition. At the trial, “witness B” presented by Alberto – a former friend of Fabiola from Misiones – declared that heThe first lady also showed the photos of the bruises to her.

And when he asked him why he kept them, Yañez answered:

–I keep them because I’m not stupid and just in case.

Another former friend, Sofía Pacchi, also provided similar information when she had to testify as a witness last October. ““I saved chats or recorded discussions to see them later,” he said about Fabiola.

There is also a political flavor at the origin of the decision. At the Argentine consulate in Madrid, from where the complainant testified via Zoom, Maximiliano Keczeli works, an official who, according to versions such as the one published by Javier Calvo in the newspaper Perfil, is actually being paid his salary by SIDE. “Keczeli is the brother-in-law of Lucas Nejamkis, a man very close to Antonio ‘Jaime’ Stiuso, a historical figure who claims to have once again influenced the services,” Calvo noted.

So, did the alleged agent have anything to do with Yañez’s statement? A former SIDE hierarchical leader, who knows Nejamkis and Keczeli well, confirms this with his spy jargon:

–Checked the data: the link and genesis of Operation Fabiola in Spain.

–Do you have details? –I asked him–. Did those from SIDE approach her?

The old agent – ​​who requested anonymity, as befits his field – said:

–I know it hit them hard. Nejamkis’s brother-in-law realized what was brewing, passed the information to Buenos Aires and they made the entire Embassy and consulate available to her. Everything is quite institutional, I would tell you.

The former agent knows this because he continues to have dialogue with the current SIDE leadership.

Documentary

What does Fabiola live on today apart from the 3,400 euros per month that Fernández gives her by court order? Those around her talk about two recent incomes that allow her to survive without problems. One would be a payment for the interview and for the photographic scoop of the bruises that he gave to the Infobae portal in August, and the other, an advance for a documentary about his story that still does not have a release date. nor channels that have made an offer to the producers, who remain in the shadows. All very vaporous.

Fernández affirms that the documentary did not even start filming and that it is only a method of pressure from the former first lady. He says that she probed him with these words when they were in the middle of the give and take prior to the complaint: “They offer me 3 million dollars. How much do you have?”
Fernández says that he cut off the communication, indignant.

According to Yañez, however, the talk never existed. Furthermore, 3 million seems an exaggerated number for a project that for now only has a title: “Fabiola: the truth.” Most likely, he was paid a smaller advance and there was a promise of more money once the documentary was released.

His lawyer Mauricio D’Alessandro confirms:

–They paid him something for the documentary, that’s what he’s doing.

Fortunately for Fabiola, the lawyer and his colleague and wife Mariana Gallego are not charging her because they privilege the press that gives them the case. And he doesn’t spend money on kindergarten either, because Francisco attends a state one. There is no maid or nanny, contrary to what was reported in various media. One of the custodians acts as a driver, and for transfers they have to rent a car.

D’Alessandro tried what the former president could not do, getting his client a job. One day a collaborator of Isabel Díaz Ayuso, the president of the Community of Madrid, a former journalist and current leader of the right of that country, allied with Vox, called him. The collaborator explained to the lawyer that they were in solidarity with Fabiola and that what they had in mind was for her to give talks on her topic, gender violence, in theaters and other places.

When D’Alessandro asked about the financial compensation, Ayuso’s collaborator calculated:

–We could pay you about 2,000 euros per month.

The lawyer laughed:

–I don’t think I’ll go very far with that.

He passed the information to journalist Eduardo Feinmann, who communicated with Ayuso in Madrid on his radio program. Surprised, the leader denied everything. The topic stayed there.

new love

In the midst of malaria, Fabiola seems to have found solace. At the end of October, the afternoon TV programs reported that a new celebrant had just debuted, a Spanish businessman. But the name of the candidate was not revealed because she believed that it was still premature to present him.

His lawyer D’Alessandro says:
–The guy is a barnacle exporter, in his fifties, he has money. She met him at a dinner with friends, they introduced him to her.
–Are crustaceans barnacles? -asked.
–Yes –explains the lawyer–. They are like some weird bugs that breed on rocks, very tasty.
–And what is the man’s name?
–You can’t say until they formalize it. Nothing happened between them yet.
–Is it known in Spain?
–He says no. But I don’t know because I don’t live in Spain.
–When did this story start?
–I think you met him a couple of months ago, but the first outings date back to October.
The lawyer alleges that this budding relationship is another reason why Fabiola refuses to return to Buenos Aires, as Fernández intends.
–She already has her life set up here –he says.
Very timely.

How they started.

Until before the scandal, the official version maintained that Fabiola and Alberto met in 2013, when he went to give a talk at the University of Palermo where she studied and worked. But, in court, Yañez now maintains that the relationship dates back to 2010, that is, when Fernández was still in a relationship with Vilma Ibarra. Sloppiness.

At his request, another version is now being spread around them. They say they met at night, probably at some party or event that brings together men from the establishment and power and young women from modeling agencies or television. In 2009, around the same time, Fabiola appeared in a photo at the Halloween Chandon party at the Jet Lounge disco, dressed as a sailor. Her friend Sofía Pacchi, also a model, as well as the cover of Hombre magazine, posed dressed as a bride.

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