The resistance to Máximo Kirchner within Buenos Aires Peronism is going through one of its most visible moments since the deputy assumed leadership of the provincial PJ. The tension, which has been dragging on since the electoral defeat and the dispute over the opposition strategy, is today expressed in a constellation of leaders and sectors that demand to put limits on their leadership and force an internal renewal.
Among the leaders who most openly question Máximo is Luis D’Elía, who accuses him of boycotting Axel Kicillof’s management by blocking the Buenos Aires budget and pushing the province into a scenario of financial asphyxiation. He also holds him responsible for “dishonoring the memory” of Néstor Kirchner and for maintaining attitudes that, according to his vision, end up being functional to the government of Javier Milei. For D’Elía, if Peronism wants to survive, Máximo should step aside and retire to Santa Cruz.
The tensions also reach Kicillof himself, who has become the center of the dispute after the electoral defeat. Although the governor avoids explicit confrontation, those around him point out that Máximo acts as a brake on party renewal and that he prioritizes family loyalties over the needs of unity. From Kirchnerism they respond that Kicillofism “hides in bad times” and promotes covert internal affairs that weaken the PJ.
Even a former camper like Andrés “El Cuervo” Larroque, now a Kicillof official, in the recent past criticized Máximo’s “Whastapp” condition.
And among the mayors of the Conurbano, the most critical are Jorge Ferraresi and Fernando Gray. The latter alone opposed, at the time, the son of the two former presidents assuming the presidency of the Buenos Aires PJ.
Also entering the dispute was Ricardo Quintela, governor of La Rioja, who responded directly to Máximo Kirchner by denying that Kicillof’s mayors or ministers had gathered endorsements to support his internal PJ list. Quintela accused Cristina Kirchner’s son of involving the Buenos Aires governor without evidence and maintained that he never met with Buenos Aires provincial officials for that internal campaign. This response joins the front of questions that seek to redefine party leadership.
Another figure who added to the unrest is Hilda “Chiche” Duhalde, who questioned Máximo’s role in the leadership and denounced the leadership’s lack of courage to face the internal crisis. For her, the party is trapped in a hereditary logic that blocks internal democracy and postpones urgent renewal.
This climate of growing rebellion had its most visible expression when the Buenos Aires PJ headquarters was wallpapered with anonymous posters that pointed directly against the deputy: “The PJ is not your monarchy,” “Enough of heirs and blessed ones,” “Give the PJ back to the Peronists.” According to Perfil, the action was attributed to dissident sectors that demand internal elections and distrust the Kirchner leadership.
Thus, Máximo is considered one of those responsible for the defeat of Unión por la Patria and the blocking of internal debates. For them, the PJ became a “personal toy” and needs to recover real representativeness.
In this context, Máximo Kirchner faces the greatest resistance since he took control of the Buenos Aires PJ. It is no longer just about ideological adversaries, but about Peronists who ask for a return to collective leadership.
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