The BBB wants to ban praying on the street for Muslims, according to the election manifesto. SGP party leader Chris Stoffer mentions Islam NRC “a danger to the Netherlands”. And on Thursday, during the SBS debate, PVV leader Geert Wilders said that Islam “does not belong in the Netherlands.”
For years, Muslims have been told that they should not . Various studies show what effect this has. Nine in ten young Muslims have no confidence in politics. And research by the Social and Cultural Planning Office (SCP) last year showed that Dutch people with a migration background have less confidence in politics and do not feel represented. What does the exclusion of Muslims mean for them?
According to Esma Kendir (27), chairman of the Collective Young Muslims, the fact that Muslim confidence in politics is so low has two important causes. “On the one hand, we see that there is still persistent, systematic discrimination against Muslims in government agencies. And we see that politicians make statements that exclude Muslims, and that show that they see Muslims as a problem.” She refers to VVD State Secretary Jurgen Nobel, who said last year that Muslim young people have an integration problem.
The SCP estimates that Turkish and Moroccan Dutch people have a 20 percentage point lower turnout
Public administration expert and Muslim (28) is not surprised that political parties regularly make Islamophobic statements. “What I find shocking is that it has become more visible in the past two years, after the PVV’s election win.” Like this rises the number of reports of discrimination on the basis of religion to the Netherlands Institute for Human Rights, most reports relate to Muslim discrimination and anti-Semitism. Kendir: “Our identity and religion are framed as a problem all the time. Statements like that reinforce the idea that politics is not for Muslims.”
These statements in politics not only create a feeling of exclusion, says Soulami. They actually have consequences, she says. “Muslim discrimination is increasingly taking hold in our institutions. We see it in the police, banks and at DUO, where Muslims are disproportionately often the target of discriminatory measures.”
The second generation of people with a migration background feels part of society, says SCP researcher, who investigated the extent to which they feel represented by Dutch politics. But politicians continually indicate that they do not actually count. According to him, this ensures that this generation feels distanced from politics. It also makes them less likely to vote. The SCP estimates that Turkish and Moroccan Dutch people have a 20 percentage point lower turnout than people without a migration background.
Young Muslims take part in a debate organized by Collective Young Muslims in Nieuwspoort, The Hague, on October 22, 2025.
Photo Hedayatullah Amid
Islamophobic or not?
Muslims, like other groups in society, also find taxes, parking problems and manners in politics important, says Dagevos. “But we also noticed that it was often about issues such as exclusion, discrimination and integration. The idea ‘we don’t count’ appears to be a very strong factor in how politics is viewed.”
Soulami finds it painful “that you have to vote on the basis of retaining your fundamental rights. I do not have the luxury to think about what I find more important: the tax system or how we combat the housing shortage. The first thing I look at in a party is: is it Islamophobic or not?”
The first thing I look at at a party is: is it Islamophobic or not?”
Islam remains an important topic in Dutch politics, partly thanks to PVV leader Geert Wilders. “The question that is rarely discussed in the media is: ” says Floris Vermeulen, professor of public administration at the University of Twente and senior lecturer in political science at the University of Amsterdam. He has been concerned with the social and political behavior of minorities for 25 years. The group of Dutch Muslims is “of course” very diverse, with all kinds of different movements and countries of origin. “It cannot in any way be seen as a homogeneous group that simply supports a political party. But in general, many groups feel excluded and do not feel represented.”
The existence of one political party that represents all Muslims is not a realistic scenario. Just as that is not possible for Christians, says Vermeulen. In recent years, Denk has become attractive to people who identify with Islam. The party has a clear profile and does not mince words on issues such as Gaza, he says. Vermeulen points to Nida, a political party until 2022. “Nida came closer to becoming a party that stands up for the interests of Muslims, but lost out to the enormous organizational power of Denk.”
Other parties are moving to the right when it comes to diversity and Islam, says Vermeulen, due to Wilders’ powerful role. “Outside of Denk, all parties have great difficulty building a clear profile and representing Muslims in particular.”
The audience listens to a debate organized by Collective Young Muslims.
Photo Hedayatullah Amid
Islamic politicians
Islamic politicians don’t have it easy either. Vermeulen mentions former GroenLinks MP Kauthar Bouchallikht, who resigned in 2023 because she disagreed with the party’s position on Gaza. “She is a good example of a dropout. It is an important signal if she, with her talents and story, is not able to get things done. Other Muslims who are high in parties, such as Ahmed Aboutaleb (PvdA), avoid themes. He is not a champion of the rights of Muslims in the Netherlands.”
Research by Sanne van Oosten, political scientist at the University of Oxford, shows that minorities in the European Union rarely vote for members of their own group. But Dutch Muslims are more inclined to attack Muslims. This is partly due to the existence of Denk, says Van Oosten, because they stand firmly for Muslim rights. And although there is no data, it also seems that Muslims are opting for their own ‘group’ precisely because of the anti-Islam statements of, for example, the PVV.
Non-Muslims, on the other hand, vote very little for Islamic politicians. Van Oosten calls this “negative discrimination against Islamic politicians.” “Even if someone is not Muslim, but says they are in favor of Muslim rights, this was received negatively by the group of non-Muslims.”
The existence of Denk in the Netherlands is in Europe. The party has the potential to attract many more votes, Van Oosten thinks. But at the same time, the party is not a great supporter of women’s and gay rights. “That is: standing up for Muslims and also for other minorities without alienating the Muslim voter group. If Denk wants to appeal to a broader group, they have to focus on women’s rights. This attracts the doubting progressive voter to you.”
Alternatives for Muslims could, for example, be the Party for the Animals, because it has always voted progressively on Gaza, says Van Oosten. “But Denk is really seen as the party that stands up for Gaza.” According to Van Oosten, BIJ1 is not a real alternative, because that party attracts a completely different audience, especially white city dwellers.
‘Victim card’
Muslim discrimination in the Netherlands is a ‘persistent problem with disruptive consequences for society’, it became clear in March an investigation commissioned by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment. The discrimination that Muslims experience forms a pattern, but it is sometimes subtle and therefore difficult to put your finger on. A majority of the House of Representatives refused to debate the investigation, claiming that the investigation had not been properly conducted.
At the end of August, several VVD ministers and outgoing Prime Minister Dick Schoof entered into discussions with Muslim youth at the Catshuis, in response to the declining confidence of Muslims in politics. BBB was absent and NSC had left the cabinet the week before. Charifa Soulami and the Collective of Young Muslims were also present at the conversation. Soulami: “I went there out of a sense of duty.” She found it difficult to take off her hat of public administration expert for that conversation. “That is something I have never done. Don’t forget that we grew up with the word ‘victim card’ from an early age. That you pull it when you talk about your feelings.”
She doesn’t look back very satisfied. “It’s good that they listened to us, but I don’t buy anything if I don’t see it reflected in formal agreements and policy choices.”
Esma Kendir, chairman of Collective Young Muslims.
PhotoHedayatullah Amid / NRC
There is a lot at stake in these elections, says Esma Kendir. “Two years ago we saw that the anti-Islam party had become the largest. The norm is continuously shifting, Muslim discrimination seems to be becoming more and more normal.”
The election results in 2023 gave Soulami a stomach ache, because it became clear how much support there is for Islamophobia in the Netherlands. “But at the same time I also saw how big the silent middle was.” A day after the results, she organized a protest on the Domplein in Utrecht, which attracted around two thousand people. “We did not shout that we were against a particular party, it was an action of solidarity. For minorities, from Muslims to the queer community. We all said: we hold each other.” That restored her faith, she says. “It doesn’t matter what will happen in The Hague. I have the feeling that society will come out stronger anyway. Let’s hope we see that reflected in these election results.”
NEW: Give this item as a gift
As an NRC subscriber you can subscribe every month 10 articles give as a gift to someone without an NRC subscription. The recipient can read the article directly, without a paywall.